IAS and bureaucracy: All the Prime Minister’s men
Jawhar Sircar
(New Indian Express, 17 March 2021)
Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s recent criticism of the IAS
and the bureaucracy, two distinct entities, must have pleased many. In the
central bureaucracy of 33 lakh, the IAS accounts for less than 500 or just
0.015%. Similarly, while state governments cumulatively employ some 2 crore
bureaucrats, IAS officers are only around 5,000—just too minuscule a fraction.
But they do hold some 70-80% of the secretary-ranking posts in the states and a
little more than half the senior posts (secretary and additional secretary) in the
Central ministries. Now, let us hear what the PM has to say, because it is Modi
who introduced a rather unprecedented style of working directly with
secretaries—largely bypassing his own ministers.
On February 10, in a well-thought-out speech in Parliament,
he praised the role of the private sector, the wealth creators as he called
them, and simultaneously expressed his dismay at why the IAS should “operate …
warehouses and … even fly aeroplanes. What are we going to achieve by handing
the reins of the nation to babus?” He has a point and there is no doubt that
India’s real economic prowess was released only after 1991, when industry was
considerably de-controlled and de-bureaucratised. In fact, I was a director in
the ministry of commerce when we moved, practically overnight, from a
suffocating ‘permit control raj’ to a more untested ‘liberal’ regime and market
economics. The examples given by the PM of telecom and pharmaceutical
industries growing exponentially are correct, except that there is now a very
perceptible tilt away from a competitive oligopoly to an overwhelming monopoly
in the telecom sector. The airlines sector also boasts of success stories,
though the path is strewn with carcasses of several failed ventures.
However, one has not heard of IAS officers, except one, who
is engaged in running warehouses or “flying planes”, but the PM’s angst is well
taken. Modi is proverbial for his strong likes and even stronger dislikes.
Unless the RSS has had its way, there is not one secretary that he has not
hand-picked, after strict scrutiny of his career and thinking. A fact that has
really hurt all IAS and IPS officers is that everyone from Modi’s Gujarat,
irrespective of whether he/she is an insider or an outsider, has been more than
rewarded—often bypassing equally or more competent officers. His sense of
attachment is quite clannish and during his tenure, officers who were rejected
for ‘empanelment’ as secretaries since they were not considered up to the mark
were brought in and promoted just because the PM or the RSS so desired. It is
he who has encouraged and installed the cult of personality and absolute
obedience—at the cost of merit. It is surely upto him now to rid these
intrinsic biases and restore the time-tested and fairer but more impersonal
methods of screening, selection and administration.
In a meeting with infrastructure ministries and the private
sector on February 16, he berated civil servants (as a family, not the IAS
alone) for the slow pace of implementation of projects. Then, on the 24th, he
pulled up ‘babus’ for not being courageous enough in disinvesting and selling
off public assets. The very same day, he is said to have lashed out at the
railways for delays in a critical project, but as everyone knows, there are no
senior IAS at the top levels of the railways ministry, which has officers who
are as good if not better. The point is that a PM who also enjoys the
unqualified support of Parliament can surely amend the existing laws if
necessary. Most competent IAS officers know their market value is high and
those who quit earlier to join the private sector were dazed at the
unbelievably high emoluments they received, often for far lesser
responsibilities or challenges.
True, officers have been averse to changing rules or operating
procedures as these ensure their safety. Besides, none above or below them
support systems disruption. Take it a tribal trait or genetic fault—a universal
‘Yes Minister’ syndrome. Yes, they have deep-rooted reservations about
assisting crony capitalists and do not want to go to jail like a former Coal
Secretary. This may explain why most insist on transparency first before
selling off public assets. They remember the scandalous sale of the
government’s two Centaur Hotels in Mumbai in 2002 when Vajpayee was PM.
Besides, the three ‘C’s, CBI, CVC and CAG, have not become ‘liberal’.
Despite in-built conservatism, bureaucrats look up to
political authority to cut the Gordian knot, very much like Narasimha Rao did
in 1991, ably assisted by Manmohan Singh. A PM with fire in his belly was
expected to usher in revolutionary changes in the manner in which the
bureaucracy functioned, not just 10 lateral recruits. This spirit has hardly
been evident and extraordinary results cannot come by retaining the old system
and simply overheating it.
Wooing the private sector after six years of economic
mismanagement is quite understandable—but not by kicking civil servants
repeatedly. The largest chunk of IAS recruits now come from IITs, IIMs and
NITs, through a competitive examination that is tougher than Harvard or MIT.
Utilising them more productively calls for a high level of vision, management
and motivation.
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