Monday, 30 December 2019

The New Citizenship Law Has Ignited a Battle for India's Soul


The New Citizenship Law Has Ignited a Battle for India's Soul

By Jawhar Sircar
(The Wire, 30th December, 2019)

The sudden, unplanned outburst in many parts of India on the issue of citizenship is, no doubt, the first major agitation against Narendra Modi. For 5.5 years, the world’s largest democracy silently watched authoritarianism and communalism tighten their stranglehold, but now it appears to have found its voice back.
People who were distressed at the serial collapse of every public institution and bulwark of liberty and fair play, and had despaired at the death-wish of the Congress, the decimation of the Left and the listlessness of unimpressive opposition parties, have suddenly woken up, thanks to this spontaneous fury. Many media houses that were tirelessly manufacturing consent for the regime were compelled to take note.
Analysts feel that the recent agitation is not sufficiently broad-based, as it is led by students and the youth; that it is confined only to some urban centres and to the middle class, and is largely fired by one community. These accusations could have been true on December 15, when the movement started in Jamia Millia Islamia and Aligarh Muslim University, but the disproportionate brutality of the police action united thousands of non-Muslims all over India and broadened the base of the agitation.
We may also recall that the two mass uprisings that shook India in 1974-75, the Nav Nirman movement in Gujarat and Jayaprakash Narayan’s Sampoorna Kranti in Bihar, were also localised and led by the young, before really old men like Morarji Desai and JP took over. Frankly, it required the party-less, leaderless youth to muster both courage and recklessness to halt the invincible Ashwamedha horse whose yagna was celebrated by Modi-Shah, as soon as their batteries were recharged in May 2019.
The first five months of Modi 2.0 witnessed more depredations on India’s democracy and secularism, especially on the latter, than ever before. This year’s two sessions of parliament made a mockery of democratic discourse, as the regime’s brute majority in the Lok Sabha and floor management in the Rajya Sabha ensured that the bombardment that started with the triple talaq Bill never stopped.
Amendments were hustled through parliament to curb civil liberties and further strengthen the National Investigation Agency, to empower detention without ascribing reasons under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act and to emasculate the Right to Information Act. Other hastily-hustled laws introduced dangerous clauses in medical education and central universities, and legitimised Big Brother’s Aadhaar card.
But palpable shock waves rocked the nation in early August, and went far beyond, when Article 370 of the constitution was read down with undisguised relish by the Central government. Given the sui generis nature of Kashmir’s accession to India and the special guarantees given then, this article conferred some token autonomy to Jammu and Kashmir, but this was amputated without anaesthesia. Unprecedented numbers of armed forces were flown to ensure that any dissent by Kashmiris was totally overawed, even as their state was slashed into ‘union territories’ and deliberately degraded.
Mainstream India was too stunned to respond and the endless series of vindictive tax raids on opponents and peremptory arrests by the Central Bureau of Investigation appeared to have sent shivers regarding the ruthless, malicious style of governance.
Even before the nation could recover from the massive crushing of civil liberties in Kashmir came another trauma on August 31, when the National Register of Citizens (NRC) for Assam was published. It took 50,000 government officials ten long years to prepare this register, and it cost the people of India some Rs 1,200 crore, even if we remain silent on the corruption and sheer harassment that accompanied this programme.
In the last few years, the Supreme Court had taken upon itself the task of regular monitoring this very difficult exercise to weed out infiltrators, but when 19 lakh people, most of them Hindu Bengalis, were excluded from the Register, everyone was upset. Those who had targeted ‘Bangladeshi Muslims’ were disappointed at the small number caught in the net, while those who were left out were shattered – especially as ‘detention centres’, inspired surely by Nazi concentration camps, were being built for them.
Flare-ups took place in Assam but before we reach the next phase of unrest, let us recall how the Supreme Court had fast-tracked hearings and submissions to resolve the vexatious issue of Ayodhya before a chief justice retired, which is rather odd. The same court had put on hold critical decisions on the constitutionality of the blitzkrieg in Kashmir and severe human rights issues. The court’s verdict of November 9, which effectively handed over the disputed plot to Hindus, was based on non-watertight evidence, but it may have ensured that majoritarian violence did not break out, as it had in 1992-93 and in 2002. Or, maybe the perpetrators of the mentioned riots had sheathed their swords as, after all, they got what they wanted – ‘Mandir wahin banayege (We will build the temple at that spot).’
Naturally, disconcerting whispers also arose and many criticised what they considered to be a capitulation before majoritarianism. A lot of angst would, however, surely have been taken care of if only the honourable court had issued a deadline, as it had done to ensure land for the temple and mosque, for the time-bound finalisation of criminal cases, that are dragging for a quarter century, and punish those who openly vandalised Babri Masjid. After all, the apex court had severely condemned it, and what better could we  expect if action had accompanied words?
But let us move on to the tipping point, which came finally in mid-December when the regime gloated about successfully passing the amendment to the Citizenship Act of 1955. Though it spoke sentimentally of wiping the tears of persecuted minorities who were seeking refuge in Mother India, the undisguised target was the legitimisation of discrimination against Muslims. Strategically, Hindu and other non-Muslim refugees from three Muslim countries were chosen for this favour and four other neighbours were left out.
It was, however, the promise-cum-threat issued repeatedly by home minister Amit Shah that the Assam-type gruelling NRC survey would be extended to other parts of India, that led to the sudden explosion of popular wrath. At this stage, we also need to understand that the causes for protests in Assam, Tamil Nadu, West Bengal and the rest of India are quite distinct from each other. The Assamese, who are paranoid about being outnumbered by Bengalis, are up in arms against the BJP and its CAA for trying to ‘regularise’ Hindu Bengali immigrants who were left out by the NRC. They feared that many more Bangladeshi Hindu refugees will be given citizenship and upset Assad’s precarious demographic balance.
On the other hand, Tamils are agitating mainly against the omission of Lankan Tamil refugees in this Christmas gift, though some are also against religious discrimination. The ruling party in Bengal, that has organised massive all-community protests, aims to further consolidate its base among the minority community. It also highlights the terror that NRC evokes – of bureaucratic harassment, corruption and heartlessness – to win over the majority.
The semiotics in the battle are interesting. The national flag has, for instance, been snatched back by the agitators from the ultra-nationalists, who had appropriated it quite brazenly. Historically, this Sangh parivar had virulently opposed the Indian tricolour at the time of our independence and had continued to insult it until Sardar Patel compelled them to accept the nation’s flag. Muslims, who were being repeatedly grilled and heckled for the last five years about their loyalty to India, are now proudly waving national flags as their response, as part of the citizenship agitation.
Students in Delhi and elsewhere are also innovating several Gandhian techniques like, say, offering flowers to policemen and trying to reach their hearts. National and patriotic songs are now the weapons of the weak as they stand up to the grossly inhuman viscousness let loose by the regime in Delhi, Uttar Pradesh, Karnataka and Assam, where their hegemony prevails.
But then, this reminds us of similar outbursts of patriotism that we had seen in the protests in Delhi after the Jyoti Singh gangrape and murder, in 2012-13. We can hardly forget how countless young men and women had responded to Anna Hazare’s call against corruption and had brought the capital city and other parts of India to a halt. They had given fresh life to forgotten Gandhi caps, but the lasting result of their agitation and sacrifice is that a crafty Arvind Kejriwal has been catapulted to power and a publicity-crazy Kiran Bedi sits in the overrated chair of a Lieutenant Governor.
But attacking a doddering liberal-secular government in India then is different from taking on the present breed of ruthless megalomaniacs, who stop at nothing. No one can predict how long the public anger will be sustained and how the Modi-Shah duo will retort, and with what ferocity and vindictiveness. One prays that communal conflicts do not break out in this charged atmosphere or are even manufactured to split the movement. Some say that a war-like attack in Pakistan-occupied Kashmir could also distract attention from civil protests, as belligerence always pumps patriotic adrenaline.
The protest that was lit by students of two central universities and may have been taken up first by Muslims, as they were/are the targets of Hindu extremists, has certainly metamorphosed into a general revolt. It is now a movement of the young, not only against unfair religious discrimination, but also against authoritarianism and against cutting of funding and interfering in education. Economic failures and increased joblessness are also stoking dissent, finally.
The fact is, however, that our liberal secular forces have remained content with signing righteous petitions, writing strong articles and holding debates on television or within safe surroundings. Liberals in neighbouring Bangladesh, on the other hand, had to combat brutal authoritarianism and religious fanaticism much and more directly. From 1989, they organised massive Mangal Shobha-jatra rallies as anti-Ershad protests by secular forces and continue to bring out these mammoth demonstrations every year on April 14, as evidence of their war on Islamic obscurantism.
In February 2013, several thousand intellectuals, teachers and street-shy middle class professionals gathered spontaneously at Shahbagh in Dhaka and demonstrated for days on end, compelling their government to hang Islamic fundamentalists, who were guilty of murder and rape. The Religious Right was taken aback by the scale of protest and the determination of secular democratic forces, that withstood physical attacks – thanks to the bold youth brigade that had joined the secular chorus.
Whatever be the results of the present CAA-NRC movement, the first gashes and scars that have been inflicted will not be easy to hide. Modi’s hypnotic charm, created through his glib, sweet-talking series of lies and fanned largely by well-paid corporate marketing and media professionals and amoral strategists, is finally broken. Those who were aghast to see India’s youth following him like the pied piper and heaping their votes in his favour are finally relieved.
The moot point we need to remember is that different sets of Indians had voted for different Modis – as India’s multi-purpose saviour or Kalki Avatar; as Mister Clean who would bring black money from Swiss banks; as the poor tea-server who symbolised humility; as the determined anti-dynast who lived a frugal existence; as the great patriot who would elevate India’s position to the highest level; as the warrior who would smash terrorism; as the economic Midas who would usher in revolutionary liberalisation; as Santa Claus who would distribute millions of jobs; as the heroic, aggressive leader of the Hindu ‘nation’ and as the dreaded nemesis of ‘pampered Muslims’ who would show them their place.
Every time this multi-rooted banyan around Modi is shaken by protest, as now, different self-contradictory elements get jolted out and disaggregate themselves from this contrived conglomerate of power – that money, cadres, oratory and chutzpah aggregated. As repression increases and brave-hearts face the brunt, different and differing heterogeneous groups are compelled to come together in their united struggle against authoritarianism and communalism. That is the lasting contribution of each such mass movement towards the strengthening our democratic tradition.
Ugly majoritarian fanatics who were conferred legitimacy by Modi and his ilk will, however, continue to bark and troll – even among the most educated or prosperous circles. At the end of the day, we must realise that even after seven decades, India is still a process, not a product. More important is the harsh fact that this India has space for only one idea to prevail, hopefully the plural one.



Friday, 27 December 2019

Calcutta needs an art museum


                                 Calcutta needs an art museum

                                       Jawhar  Sircar

                                 (The Telegraph, 26 December 2019)


        It is quite surprising that the claimed cultural capital of India does not have one worthwhile art museum or an international-standard exhibition space for painting, photography and other forms of visual arts. While the Biswa Bangla complex does the city proud, it is not meant for art, like, say, the National Gallery of Modern Art (NGMA). This art museum is at its grandest in Delhi, but Mumbai and Bengaluru also have scaled-down NGMAs. Kolkata was obviously bypassed for the fourth NGMA, surprisingly without protest. When, however, the first-ever exhibition of Picassos art in India gave Kolkata a miss in 2001-02, as the city had no large gallery of globally acceptable specifications, it really hurt. Disappointed art lovers got together and set up a Trust, with government blessings — to ensure that a world class Kolkata Museum of Modern Art (K-MoMA) came up. But, despite several attempts over the last 17 years, the project has not succeeded.

          So, where does the large and vibrant community of artists go? Frankly, the only public spaces available are the politics-ridden and archaic Academy of Fine Arts, the rather-small and improperly lit Gaganendranath Pradarshanshala nearby, a Rabindra Tirtha in far-away New Town and an unknown Priyambada art gallery somewhere. We have many private art galleries like the Birla Academy, but there is a critical need for a grand public museum of art and affordable exhibition spaces. It just happens that a large and magnificent neo-classical architecture is ready — the historic ‘Belvedere House’ of Alipur. It stands where Mir Jafar built his mansion in 1760-62. Beginning with Warren Hastings, dozens of governors and viceroys have occupied the old or the reconstructed palace. It is best known, however, for the National Library that was housed here, from 1953. The snobbish ‘hall of entrance’ then became the mundane ‘card catalogue room’ and the teak-floored, gilded baroque ballroom metamorphosed into a ‘reading room’. After the library moved in 2005 to the mediocre Bhasa Bhavan next door, the ancient building fell into disrepair, till the culture ministry intervened n 2009-10 to restore it. But as soon as the decade-long restoration was complete, the presiding babus of the ministry decided, without any consultation, to fill up this priceless space with some unexciting antiquities of the Indian Museum. They also installed a lonesome digital exhibitionof four greats, meant primarily to equate Shayamaprasad Mookerjee with Tagore and Netaji. This re-utilisation is quite contrary to what the city’s own, more knowledgeable personalities from culture and academia had proposed in 2010-11. One idea was for a ‘Museum of the Word’ to demonstrate the spread of knowledge, and this can still be organised in the unused ground floor. In fact, Belvedere House is the best NGMA that Kolkata could dream of and it has almost ready exhibition galleries, plus adequate storage space. Besides, the enviable art collections lying with the city’s aristocratic families are simply crying out for restoration and display. The real bonus is easy parking.

        That brings us to the second restored historic building of the culture ministry in Kolkata — the Old Currency Building, set up in 1833. The obvious problems of parking and pedestrian entry dissuaded us from planning any major public re-use of this beautiful triple storied Italian style palazzo. Its large Venetian windows are really regal, as are the original and almost-intact exquisite floral cast-iron architecture. Located at the south-eastern corner of BBD Bagh, it once housed the Agra Bank and later the Reserve Bank’s Currency division. The ministry has announced, again rather unilaterally, that the NGMA of Kolkata would be located here — while more valuable space at the Belvedere is so grossly mis-utilised. Delhi’s policy makers must understand that it is extremely difficult for people to cut through the never-ending lines of menacing buses to reach the building’s entrance, and also that parking is impossible.

      There is yet a third masterpiece of neo classical architecture, the Metcalfe House, at the crossing of Hare Street and Strand Road. Completed in 1844, this stately building with impressive Corinthian columns has hosted almost every notable leader of the Bengal Renaissance. Thanks to an enthusiastic culture secretary, who worked here and knows Kolkata, its restoration work is commendable — but its re-use plan is quite a let-down. An expensive permanent gallery entitled Ami Kolkata was hurriedly set up on the first floor, with exhibits like a rickshaw and a country boat, that can hardly set hearts fluttering. The malaise lies in a unilateral top-down, ‘must wow’ thinking, arising out of a mistaken sense of proprietorship, that temporary custodians of national properties must abjure. After all, enthusiasm and public funds must also be accompanied by public consultation, to ensure effective utilisation.





Thursday, 5 December 2019

The City and Its Architecture


The City and Its Architecture

Jawhar Sircar

Take on India (art journal), Special issue on Bengal
Vol 4, no 3, 3 Dec, 2019


            It is only natural for Kolkata to have some of the finest specimens of colonial architecture. After all, it enjoyed the status of being, for one and half centuries, the capital of the British Empire in India and of the East India Company’s Dominions, prior to that. We may marvel at the Gothic architecture of the High Court and St Paul’s Cathedral as great examples of this class. Unlike Mumbai’s Fort area, however, Kolkata does not too many outstanding Gothic buildings. It has quite a few Neo Classical buildings like the Cossipore Club, the Sanskrit College on College Street, as also the Metcalfe Hall, the Commercial Library and the Town Hall — all three of which are in the central BBD Bagh area, known earlier as Dalhousie Square. Others in this area, like the Old Silver Mint and even the main block and entrance of Writers’ Buildings have typical Greek or Roman columns, capitals, architraves, friezes. and have a classic triangular pedimenta on top.

        All the major forms of Graeco-Roman classical columns are in abundance, not only in government or institutional buildings, but in many old aristocratic family homes of north Kolkata. For example, the General Post Office, the National Insurance Building and the Metcalfe House, all in the BBD Bagh zone have gorgeous Corinthian capitals to crown their impressive columns or shafts. The Indian Museum on Chowringhee (now known as Jawaharlal Nehru Sarani), the Sadharan Brahmo Samaj building on Bidhan Sarani and the Ghari Bari on Chitpur Road also have fine specimens of this column. So commonplace is this style that even an ordinary bathing ghat on Strand Road, like Moti Seal’s, has them, though it is doubtful if the bathers ever look up to appreciate the decorative foliage. Ionic columns are also plentiful, as on the Raj Bhavan, Calcutta University’s Darbhanga Building on College Street and the Lohia Hospital on Chitpur Road, while simpler Doric or Tuscan columns are the most common. There is an interesting combination that several old churches in Kolkata had adopted and that was to build a complete classical building that looked like a Greek temple, which were utterly pagan, and then construct a tall spire with a cross on top of it, to indicate that it was a Christian church. The best examples I can give are the St. John’s Church and St. Andrew’s Kirk, both in the BBD Bagh area, as well as St. Thomas’ Church attached to Loretto College and the Sacred Heart Church on Dharmatala (Lenin Sarani).

      Domes decorate the roof corners of impressive buildings with mixed European architecture like the Metropolitan Building of the LIC ( formerly Whiteway Laidlaw Stores) on Chowringhee and the Esplanade Mansions opposite the East Gate of Raj Bhavan are excellent examples. The latter, incidentally, has tell-tale signs of Art Nouveau architecture that was so popular at the end of the 19th and early 20th centuries. While the very Roman dome of the GPO dominates the landscape, the Mercantile Building and Gillander House close to it in BBD Bagh also have impressive domes. As Kolkata’s masonry buildings did not need or have sloping or gabled roofs, Georgian architecture was not in fashion, though large institutional or public buildings like Writers’ Buildings or the Accountant General’s office do have black, utilitarian tar-felted sloping mansards covering a part of their flat balustraded roofs.

     Other forms of European, or more specifically, British architecture, are also quite visible, especially in Central Kolkata and a little to the south that were part of the old ‘White Town’. Massive red exposed-brick architecture, laced with cream-coloured sandstone on cornices and decorative lines, were extremely popular. This is evident from Writers’ Buildings, Eastern Railway Building, the Foreign Post Office, Accountant General’s Office, Government of India Press, Royal Insurance building and the Postal Museum — all of which are located in the BBD Bagh and within walking distance of each other. Even beyond, we come across very impressive such buildings of exposed brick in the Chowringhee area, like the Chowringhee Mansions and Kanak Building (formerly the Army and Navy Stores). The YMCA building, not too far away, and the Government Art College, which is also quite close, also belong to this category. The exposed red brick style was adopted by numerous institutions and residences in north Kolkata as well. We see it in the Brahmo Balika and Deaf and Dumb schools near Maniktala. Even in the south-central Kolkata, we have Shambhunath Pandit Hospital in the same style.

     Towards the beginning of the 20th century, we find that many commercial buildings in central Kolkata dispensed with grand neo classical and similar sprawling buildings and made maximum use of floor space by cutting down bays, arcades, cloisters or large verandas — even though the hot, humid climate of Kolkata demanded open spaces and cross ventilation. Instead, they came up with buildings that rose straight upwards, directly from the pavements, with long symmetrical facades. Their ground floors were almost invariably rusticated, i.e., had deep decorative grooves that ran horizontally. If they had Venetian windows with circular arches above them, then the grooves matched them. They flaunted classical columns on their corners or at intervals along the facade, either to bear loads or as pilaster decorations. Macleod House, Wallace House, Stephen House and Martin Burn House in BBD Bagh are good specimens of such architecture, as are several buildings on Central Avenue, from Dharmatala to Bow Bazar.

     Prosperous Indians of north Kolkata, however, copied a lot of European styles to lend grandeur to their mansions and to overawe visitors. Very often, so many styles and elements were combined that it makes categorisation difficult. Baroque plaster or stucco decorations were in great demand and stately classical columns would often be capped with  excessively carved floral and leafy designs on the pediments or facades. These foreign elements were combined with the very local need to have a clear separation between the road-facing main building (sadar mahal) and the female quarters (andar mahal), hidden from public view. It was, therefore, essential to have a quadrangular courtyard so that the two quarters could be separate, and yet be joined by narrower buildings on two sides of the quadrangle, with covered verandahs and rooms. Light and ventilation would then be ensured in all the rooms. Special attention needs to be paid to a few local adaptions, like the louvred wooden screens that covered the top half or more of the porch, bay or verandah. These massive wooden boards, with slanting but fixed Venetian blinds, were firmly joined to the neo classical columns, shafts or cast iron pillars. This was to  protect inmates against the scorching sun and gusty thunderstorms that would have flooded the verandahs and living rooms just beyond them. After all, the climate of Bengal is most unsuited to grandiose European architecture, as the doors or windows (if any) of the traditional huts, cottages or even double-storied mud houses were indeed very small, to protect residents against the elements. Thick mud walls and high thatched roofs helped control the outside temperatures, but most men, children and older ladies preferred to sleep in the open courtyard, at least where commoners were concerned.

      When the middle class of Kolkata started moving into masonry buildings, and electricity including fans had not reached the city, cross ventilation of the stuffy rooms was essential. Hence the louvres or wooden Venetian blinds were retained on the smaller windows, but could be opened or shut, to prevent heat or rain and allow some breeze in. These are famous in Bengal, as the kharkhori. This is a distinctive feature of houses in Kolkata and Bengal that were built till the 1960s, when the electric fan reached middle class homes. An element of Kolkata’s architecture, that was comparable to Sydney— the two great cities of the British Empire, incidentally, had regular ships plying between them — was the intricately designed cast-iron balustrades and gates. They are called ‘verandah railings’ locally, but verandahs were actually meant the balconies that jutted outwards from the walls or constructions. Railings meant the usually-wooden lining on which one leaned, running on top of the the cast iron balustrades, that were fixed erect from the extended masonry balconies. The foundries of Howrah produced these cast iron balustrades for balconies and guards on the margins of staircases, as they lent, beauty, dignity, strength and lasted very long. Wonderful geometric, floral and other artistic patterns were created by cast iron makers at the request of their patrons and leafy vines or even family crests or coat of arms were quite popular. I have used the past tense as towards the middle of the twentieth century, cheaper inferior and less artistic wrought iron balustrades replaced them in smaller houses. The old balustrades still exist on many an ancient building of Kolkata, largely rusted and uncared for, but they give an idea of olden times and lost glory.

       There is yet another architectural element that is seen in almost every aristocratic house of the 18th and 19th century Kolkata. It was most prominent in the house of the fabulously rich Raja Nabakrishna Deb, who made his fortune after conspiring with the British in the Battle of Plassey. His khilan thakur dalan or pillared porch arose from the rectangular courtyard in the sadar mahal the house. It was meant to house the family deity and also accommodate goddess Durga during her worship in autumn. Deb started the ritual of inviting British civil and military officials to impress them with his Durga Puja, but we can be sure that the white men came to this ‘heathen celebration’ not only to humour their factotum, but also to witness the Indian dancing girls, who were the star attraction. Wine and meat flowed in abundance, as worship became secondary in Deb’s show of pomp and power. All this was against Hindu rituals, but his wealth had secured Deb the position of being the undisputed leader of the upper caste Hindu tradition in Kolkata. These raised platforms, housing the deities, had thick load-bearing pillars in front, that were one-storey high, as the house above them usually went up to three storeys. Beautiful arches adorned and joined the upper part of these columns— serving as open doorways to view the deities. The number of such openings were usually three (teen khilan dalan) or five (panch khilan dalan). The plaster on the walls, the thick, short pillars and the arches was often ornamented and the multi-floriated arches were copied from the late medieval terracotta temples that had incorporated them from Islamic architecture. The raised sacred porch led down to the central courtyard through a  gentle flight of stairs. These wonderful thakur dalans are still well preserved in most old houses, as no one would like to upset the family deity.  Though there are no idols kept in the very Brahmo house of Rabindranath Tagore and his ancestors in Jorasanko, the porch and the paved quadrangle are very impressive. These are utilised by Rabindra Bharati University that is housed there, for its events and performances. Besides the houses of the Sovabajar Rajbari (Deb family’s), those of the Mitras of Darjipara, of Jagatram Dutta of Nimtala, of Dwarpanarayan Tagore in Pathuriaghaa, of the Roys of Jorasanko and the Jhamapukur Rajbati — all of which are in north Kolkata — flaunt excellent, typically-Bengali khilan thakur dalans.

          The last feature that we may observe needs to be introduced properly as it is still not included as a very unique style of architecture of south Kolkata. I refer to Art Deco that stormed the western world between the two world wars. From the 1930s, architect firms like Ballardie, Thomson & Mathews introduced Art Deco to Kolkata and by the 1940s, iconic structures came up — like the English movie theatres: Metro, Globe, New Empire, Roxy and Lighthouse. Several other local theatres of north Kolkata. The characteristic features of the style reflected admiration for the modernity of the machine and for the inherent design qualities of machine-made objects, e.g., relative simplicity, planarity, symmetry, and unvaried repetition of elements. The distinguishing marks of the style are simple, clean shapes, often with a “streamlined” look that conveyed geometric symmetry — which replaced the grand ostentatious older buildings. While the western world used Art Deco for public buildings and gave up the fashion after the Second World War, Kolkata’s residential buildings adopted it only in the 1950s and 1960s. This style was in vogue in the newly-built localities of south Kolkata. The upper middle class or new rich for used it for their bungalows in the Alipore area and for large four storied houses in New Alipore. The three storied Art Deco buildings (sometimes four storied) are in plenty on Lake Road-Southern Avenue. The rest of the salary earners had their own scaled down versions for their modest homes in the areas on both sides of  Rashbehari Avenue-Gariahat and in Ballygunge. These Art Deco buildings, that were called ‘Metro-style’ houses, had curved semicircular balconies or verandahs, with horizontal bands running on the sides as stepped cornice lines. At times, they had vertical lines of varying lengths down the middle, in perfect geometric shapes. Clean, sharp defined rectangular corners on one side could happily coexist with semi circular balconies and gently curved architecture on the other side. The central staircase usually had glass panes all the way up the top, running along the middle of the building, with a small flag stand on top. This style has not yet acquired celebrity heritage status, as few observe its sheer beauty and everyone is so fixated on the neo classical and other grander architecture of Kolkata. It is time we recognised smaller Art Deco residences as Kolkata’s unique contribution.




Monday, 14 October 2019

When Did Durga Become Bengali ?


         When Did Durga Become Bengali ?

Jawhar Sircar
Ananda Bazar Patrika 27 Sept ‘19
English version

            All Bengalis here love Durga, but only few realise that Bengal’s Durga is uniquely Bengali and her form, agenda and legend are quite different from the rest of India. First of all, Durga never comes anywhere in autumn with her whole family and secondly, she is not greeted in other regions as the loving daughter of a whole people, not just Menaka’s. To understand the riddles, we need to appreciate the dichotomous characteristics of why a benign mother arrives as an angry belligerent warrior goddess before her own mother. Let us also understand why her grown up children simply look the other way, when Durga is fighting her life-or-death battle.

        History tells us that Durga Puja was started on a grand scale in medieval Bengal by the first batch of Hindu zamindars appointed by Jahangir and his Subahdars like Kansanarayan of Taherpur and Bhabananda Majumdar of Nadia, both Brahmans. This was in the second decade of the 17th century and the oldest pujas of this phase would be just four centuries old, if they survived. After Jahangir and Shah Jahan, the next Muslim ruler to entrust loyal Hindu upper caste Bengalis as collectors of revenues, was Murshid Quli Khan and his successors nawabs. This was  in the early part of the 18th century, but many switched allegiance to the British after the Battle of Plassey. In fact, Raja Nabakrishna Deb celebrated Clive’s treacherous victory just three months later, by holding a grand Durga Puja with naach girls and flowing wine. The point is that these zamindars were encouraged by all three sets of masters to expand cultivable land at any cost and they needed to drive out buffalos from the wet lowlands and swamps where the best Aman paddy could grow. Durga’s slaying of the Mahishasura was invoked, which explains why the poor bleeding creature required to be dragged to her mother’s house. But as Brahmanism emphasised on the Puranic legend of her tireless battle against dark forces, she had also to be in her trademark warrior dress, with arms, even on her four days’ annual leave. Then, landlords needed Durga to demonstrate their own power to fickle peasants, who would desert their zamindaris if the terms did not suit them or they were starving during the frequent famines. 

      These contradictions were, however, noticed by the 19th century poet,  Dasharathi Ray, whose Menaka  screams:
“Oh, Giri! Where is my daughter, Uma?
    Who have you brought into my courtyard? 
       Who is this ferocious female warrior?”

Rashikchandra Ray also echoes Menaka’s sentiment:
“ Giri, who is this woman in my house?
She cannot be my darling Uma.”

        The Bengali Durga had also to accommodate the pressure of the common folk who insisted on visualising her as a good ‘mother’ with a happy ‘family’. Incidentally, Kartik and Ganesh had emerged as independent gods with their long history of evolution from non-Aryan culture. The former arose from the Dravidian tradition of Murugan, Aramugam, Senthil or Subhramania, where he is a pre-puberty boy-god (not a virile adult), while Ganesh or gana-eesha, god of the short, ugly ganas surely emerged from indigenous roots. Both were converted into Durga’s sons by the Shiva Purana and the Skanda Purana. They made their first ‘guest appearance’ in Bengal, standing next to Durga, in the 12th century icons found at Nao-Gaon in Rajshahi and Comilla’s Dakshin Muhhamadpur. But Lakshmi and Saraswati were more problematic, because as Vishnu’s consort, Sri or Lakshmi is actually ‘older’ than Durga and Saraswati was already associated with Brahma. Eventually, under pressure from the Bengali masses, all four went through age reduction to qualify as Durga’s children, even without proper adoption certificates. Patriarchal Brahmanism was actually relieved to ‘domesticate‘ the warrior goddess, who could give women wrong notions of feminine independence and it was safer to bind her to her home, with four children. Now, we understand why they are looking away from the battle scene, as no fresh Puranic stories were composed in late medieval Bengal to legitimise their role in the deadly war over Asuras.

            Let us remember that these nine days in autumn are observed as Navaratri all over India, to worship Ram’s battle not Durga’s, with proper fasting and sparse regimented diets. But Bengalis must always differ and they feast during this joyous period. The Ramayana connection with Durga was brought in by an enterprising Bengali, Krittivas Ojha, and while Dushera celebrates Ram’s victory over Ravan in India, our Dashami commemorates Ma Durga’s final victory. In reality however, pathos rules the Bengalis that day because their daughter Durga and her family must bid a tearful farewell. Fertility worship, that starts with Ganesh’s kola-bou (banana plant worship) now ends with sindoor-khela which has emerged as a new stylish motif of modern Bengali women.

         We just cannot end without mentioning how the royal lion was invoked by the new class of zamindars, as a symbol of power, replacing the pan-Indian ‘Durga’ who rides a familiar tiger. The only problem was that no Bengali had ever seen a lion and therefore all traditional pujas invariably depicted Durga’s vahan as a horse or some other creature. It was only in the late 19th century that Bengali artisans could craft a lion that looked like one, because the Calcutta zoo imported two for display. But soon thereafter, nationalists replaced zamindars and started collective sarvajanin pujas to ensure public participation for their cause.  This barowari phase continues, but Durga moved from zamindars to the new petit bourgeoisie and later became the ‘annual social mixing’ platform of the better-off but aloof professionals and business strata who occupied apartment buildings. In this century, Durga finally metamorphosed as the near-monopoly of the subaltern class that seized power.  



Preserving Kolkata's Heritage


PRESERVING KOLKATA’S HERITAGE
Jawhar Sircar
Urbana October 2019

When the Grecian pillars and the imposing pediment of the Senate Hall of Calcutta University were being demolished in 1960, little did Kolkata know that it was not tearing down a building: it was actually ripping out a bone from one of its very ribs, that protected its pulsating heart.   Very few protested and ABP brought out a sepia-tint poster of this demolition which hangs in my house in Kolkata, with the legend focusing on the workmen, “Forgive them, for they knew not what they were doing; But some did, and did not care!”
It sums up the tragedy of the “second city of the Empire” that housed not only some of the finest edifices of the colonial period which would make any citizen of the world feel at home. It also boasted one of the largest numbers of palatial buildings for which it was once called “the City of Palaces”.  The wealth that flowed into the city from the early part of 19th century and continued unabated for the next 120 to 130 years assured that allocable surpluses to the ruling classes, as well as to their British overlords, and a sizeable part of this found itself in the magnificent mansions. 
One by one, they were pulled down from the 1950s, either for public conveniences or sometimes for widening of roads, like Choudhury’s palace of Sahib, Bibi or Gulam had to make way for Central Avenue. Others were handed over to promoters for building multi-storey flats, often by squabbling siblings. But each time a building with neo-classical features or rococo or even ostentatious baroque was ripped apart, we lost an irreplaceable specimen of colonial Bengal’s superb craftsmanship.  Even after independence and CIT’s expansion of the city, art decors sprawled and became common place.  Thus few of us realised what these architectural specimen means to eyes that are tired of ungainly boxed buildings of all sizes in the same tinted glass and concrete.
I was trying to photograph some of the exquisite cast iron sculptures that adorned the facades of many such buildings, either as balconies or balustrades, and one is amazed to find the finest and the most delicate designs that man could ever weave with iron.  Quite often large parts of such cast iron dreams are found to have been taken away and sold by weight and replaced by unimaginative factory produced wrought iron.  I think it is time to focus not only on stucco and on plaster and on architectural styles but also on railings, balustrades, windows and of course wonderful doorways and marble flooring.  Unless we educate ourselves on what they mean and how valuable they are, how would we know what we destroy at periodic intervals?
But is it all right for connoisseurs to make whatever comment they want on somebody else’ property or for heritage lovers to bemoan the passage of time and necessary modernisation? Don’t the owners need money to sustain uneconomically large buildings, so that the city’s heritage can be preserved at the cost of someone else who has to bear the burden? This logic is accepted. But how is it other self-respecting countries or cities manage to cling on to what they will never able to replace?  One of the methods to save heritage is to provide state or municipal funding, but I do not think we should even discuss this subject in India.  After 40 years in administration, I hardly know any municipal body in India that has not taken an active part in the destruction of the history and heritage of the very cities that were entrusted to them. 
One idea that comes to my mind is that of a ‘Lottery Fund’.  Let us not forget that large parts of early Kolkata were built through by lotteries conducted by the Company’s government and one of the best examples of these is the Strand Road that was financed completely from such funds.  The UK has its Heritage Lottery Fund to which citizens can contribute with no sense of guilt and some hope of win.  It earns millions, but its funds ultimately go to subsidised maintenance of heritage buildings and historical areas. Bank of China and HSBC take an active part in providing heritage funds for their cities in China.  There are many such ideas which government just needs to clear and citizens can take over from that point, to maintain their own heritage. At the same time public bodies need to observe the highest level of transparency, while they absorb themselves in the task of saving every small part of priceless and irreplaceable history of their communities, cities, State and the nation.
 Kolkata must remember that while Delhi has four World Heritage Sites declared by the UNESCO and Mumbai, Chennai, Ahmedabad, Jaipur, Hyderabad all have such prestigious buildings of international fame, the grand old capital of British India, Kolkata, is yet to earn this award for even a single site. Since Kolkata does not have any notable architecture of the pre-colonial era, we could propose the Victoria Memorial or the Howrah Bridge or even Fort William to UNESCO, Paris, for World Heritage statue — but that requires a lot of documentation of multiple dimensions and maintaining the purity of the original structure. These entail a heritage consciousness and pride to be existing or developed among the citizens of this city — which is missing where serious tasks of this nature are concerned.
   But we can always make a start — so let us begin, now.

Tuesday, 17 September 2019

What ails the Indian Administrative Service


What ails the Indian Administrative Service

By Jawhar Sircar
(Published in The Telegraph, 17th September, 2019)

What ails the Indian Administrative Service? This is precisely the question that has been raised in the book by N.C. Saxena, a role-model IAS officer who helped stop Vedanta’s mining project from decimating Odisha’s forests and tribal habitats. A prominent member of the almost extinct breed of scholar-administrators, Saxena also asks ‘why it [IAS] fails to deliver’ and tries to address, as honestly as possible, the issues that most bureaucrats would either deny or avoid.

Another relevant issue is that young IAS officers have started to resign against the “denial of fundamental rights” to Kashmiris and because “democracy’s building blocks are being compromised”. It is true that their number is not large. Nor is this the first time that IAS officers have resigned on moral grounds. But never have their reasons been so sharply critical and so upsetting as to invite immediate vitriolic reactions from both the government and the ruling party.

Returning to Saxena’s two very pertinent questions, let us first allay any apprehension that the quality of entrants has come down. In our time more than four decades ago, around one lakh candidates appeared for the Union Public Service Commission examination for just 150 or 160 posts in the IAS and the Indian Foreign Service. Nowadays, almost 12 lakh candidates pay for and register to compete in the civil services examination out of whom only 1,200 applicants qualify. Less than 200 make it to the IAS and the IFS, with the remaining getting into other coveted Central services. A large number of graduates and postgraduates from the Indian Institutes of Technology, Indian Institute of Management and the best medical and professional colleges are leaving lucrative jobs to join the IAS ‘to serve the nation’. Why then do most people consider the Indian bureaucracy led by the IAS to be inefficient, corrupt and negative?
A major reason for this is that antiquated rules determine what civil servants should do and how to go about their tasks. These are almost impossible to change unless the highest authorities have the political will to cut the ‘Gordian knot’ — as we did in 1991 to usher in economic liberalization. Bright juniors are always made to fall in line by ‘seasoned’ seniors who have suffered for questioning the system or are too timid to protect those who stand up against unjust rules and political muscle. In fact, what the IAS, IPS and top Central officers do not admit is that they cannot control the vast majority of inspectors, field functionaries, clerks, peons and constables who actually run the colossus called the government. Those who meddle too much surely face internal sabotage and personal devastation. Vigilance enquiries based on false allegations, often abetted by vengeful powers from above, harass bureaucrats for years. Although some IAS officers are surely corrupt, one can safely certify that most of them are not. But the bigger percentage is more dangerous — it is just too ‘user friendly’ to politicians and their business cronies.

Democracy mandates that the political class shall rule, but unlike Jawaharlal Nehru or Vallabhbhai Patel who encouraged critical, professional advice from officers, the Indira regime and the ones that succeeded it seized absolute power and tolerated no dissent. Neither do private companies, but the stranglehold of the political class increases every year, often in the name of cleansing the system. Senior officers thus concentrate on compliance, taking care not to fall foul of the system even though many of them differ with their bosses. They survive because of their honesty and reputation for delivery.

The latest administrative innovations, such as the ‘360-degree appraisal’ of officers, cut both ways, but they do not prevent politicized or non-empanelled officers from getting undue promotion or one state cadre from cornering all the goodies. Big rewards await ‘useful’, pro-regime IAS/IFS officers after retirement through board-level appointments in government and mega private companies. Their declared annual incomes (other than pension) usually range from 50 lakhs to several crore rupees — sums that they never earned during service. This list includes, quite surprisingly, those who were once considered upright crusaders — irresistible benefits smother the conscience. Besides, they need not genuflect publicly to political masters as the election commissioners allegedly did recently, damaging the reputation of the Election Commission. But they do ensure, as has been indicated by reports by Oxfam and other organizations, that big capital continues to grow exponentially in India, raising both exploitation and inequality to unprecedented levels.



Wednesday, 21 August 2019

What Ails The Arts In India I


WHAT AILS THE ARTS IN INDIA

Jawhar Sircar
 Inaugural Jamshed Bhabha Memorial Lecture

  National Centre for the Performing Arts,
Mumbai, August 21st, 2019


           I thank this prestigious institution, the National Centre for the Performing Arts of Mumbai for giving me this unique honour of delivering the first Jamshed Bhabha Memorial Lecture. Had it not been for the great visionary, this very ground that houses our auditorium and the extraordinary Centre, would still be many feet under the sea. His perseverance and leadership is best exemplified in the amazing reconstruction of his dream theatre, after it was destroyed by fire. I salute both the Bhabha brothers and the Tata family for their interest and munificence — a remarkable quality that distinguishes the Parsee community of India. Succeeding generations of Indians would learn to appreciate their pioneering contribution more and more. I thank Mr Suntook, the worthy successor of Dr Jamshed Bhabha, for executing his vision, will and dream.

        I shall attempt to present just an overview of the world of the arts in India, for a century or more. This is when completely diverse strands were finally woven together into a grand tapestry — that we now call Indian culture. To understand the present, we need to look at the past. Interestingly, most of our arts of today were completely re-shaped from the early twentieth century, when our national consciousness was fully manifest. We can only imagine how difficult it was in 1947, to forge a nation from the 17 British Indian Provinces and 565 Princely States that existed then. Today, we can say that very term ‘India’ expresses the successful realisation of an impossible idea — of uniting so many languages and ethnicities into one astonishing reality called a nation.

         The subject of the arts is ,indeed, so wide and unmanageably big, that I have to seek your indulgence — because constraints of time constrict me from doing justice to important components of the arts. I will not dwell, for instance, on cinema and the folk traditions, or even the visual arts, that ails much less than others.

        The first ailment that I would draw your attention to is the absence of the historical temper in India. This led to the deliberate or inadvertent amnesia about our own past. Our very glorious ancient history, that is now drilled into us repeatedly, was, in fact, gifted to us by British imperial archeology. Even 70 years ago, we really had no idea that our ancient civilisation stretched back beyond the Vedic period, to the Indus Valley — some 5500 years ago. Though Mohenjodaro was discovered in 1921 and Harappa was excavated in 1946, our text books first mentioned the existence of this superior civilisation, only in the 1950s. The Ajanta caves were stumbled upon by accident in 1819, exactly 200 years ago, by a British captain who was chasing a deer. But, we had to wait till 1897, to get a glimpse of its unique art and sculpture, as all earlier attempts had been jinxed by accidents. John Griffiths, Principal of the JJ School of Arts, Bombay, presented the earliest visuals of Ajanta’s art.

       In fact, all the wondrous creations of Buddhism, from the 3rd century B.C., had all been wiped off our memory — by default or by design. It is only in the second decade of the 19th century, that we heard that the first major stupa was discovered, at Amaravati in Andhra.  The ancient town of Taxila was rediscovered in 1830. Frankly, had it not been for the untiring efforts of Alexander Cunningham, for half a century from the 1830s, we would never get to see the grand architecture of Buddhist India. The magnificent Buddhist stupas at Sarnath, Sanchi or even the Bodh Gaya temple were completely forgotten, until they were excavated by British archaeologists. Before James Prinsep deciphered the hitherto-forgotten Old Brahmi and Kharosthi scripts, on the Ashokan inscriptions in 1837, we did not have any conclusive evidence that an emperor called Ashoka had actually ruled India. The greatest Mauryan ruler, who spread to the world India’s major and everlasting soft power —Buddhism — was lost in amnesia.

      This ahistorical culture explains how extremely difficult it is for archaeologists, historians, museologists, antiquarians and museum lovers to bring their message to the masses. The consequences of such a world view, where myth is preferred over history, are becoming increasingly clear to us. The ahistorical tradition influences mass level consciousness so severely, that it is almost impossible to explain modern, evidence-driven, linear history. The prevailing concepts of ‘purity’ and ‘pollution’ and of ‘touch’ and ‘defilement’ meant that every object, animate or inanimate, had its own life span — after which it was  consigned to the waters or to flames. Thus, a dead person’s belongings, except perhaps jewellery and valuables, were treated as ‘impure’ and their preservation was not culturally permitted. Museums or collections could, obviously, not come up in India for centuries and millennia. Even now, they are still referred to as jadu-ghar or ajaib ghar, meaning literally the ‘house of wonders’ or the ‘strange house’.

          But then, we have also lived with the imported idea of museums for almost two centuries. We now have an enlightened class that values our past, and tries to ensure that our heritage is restored, preserved and protected. At the same time, we also have another mass, that just cannot make sense of the ruins or sculptures that they come across, as there are no proper explanatory boards at the sites. There is an even bigger number that simply could not care less for history or historical objects. Except those that qualify as World Heritage sites, most of our archeological sites appear to be rather dry, boring or even uncared for. I would like to draw your attention here, to a fact that we could explain to the Prime Minister, when he was also the Culture Minister — between May 2009 and January 2011. We calculated and told him that the Culture Ministry and its fifty plus major organisations, like the Archaeological Survey, the Central Museums, the National Akademis and many others — all put together — received just eleven paise out of every hundred rupees of the Central Budget. That is 0.11 percent. Out of this, we could give only 0.04 or 0.05 percent of the Central budget to the ASI. This is/was hardly enough to look after more than 3500 officially ‘Protected’ National Monuments of India. Most of them are, thus, left unguarded and uncared for.

        Some of us have been advocating that we need to revisit this large number and reduce it. We could drop, say, Nicholson’s grave in Delhi as it commemorates the man who killed hundreds of Indians after the 1857 Mutiny. We may also hand over to local communities, hundreds of protected sites, like so many Kos Minars (milestones), and other unimportant structures. They could look after these uncared-for places and we could instil a sense of pride and ownership of these monuments. As expected, even as the Secretary of that huge ministry, I could not pilot this scheme through — because de-listing of ‘National Monuments’ is a highly sensitive subject. It leads to a lot of heat in Parliament and in the media. The same hue and cry is stoked when the management of a ‘National Monument’ is privatised —even though this often leads to more visitor-friendly facilities. Incidentally, the Culture Ministry’s annual budget has gone down even further, over the years, as several bureaucrats were simply not interested in the subject. Others heaped precious funds on environment-damaging religious sessions on prohibited river beds, or in glorifying our ancient traditions. Consequently, archaeology, museums and the performing arts were deprived of funds.

       To upgrade our government museums, so that they are able to engage in meaningful conversations with the public, we took up a comprehensive action plan from 2009. We called it the ‘Fourteen Point Programme of Museum Reforms’. This continues to be the Government of India’s road map, even now, though regimes have changed so much. Some action points have worked, others need a booster dose now. Much depends on how much autonomy the Boards of the museums enjoy and how involved they are. But the real motivation has to come from the Director and his senior team. I have no hesitation in saying that the Chhatrapati Shivaji Museum is way ahead of all others, where initiative, leadership and innovations are concerned. In government museums, the selection of Directors passes through quasi-political processes. Quite often, we just do not have qualified and eligible museologists, and thus make do with other specialists. When the western world regularly appoints foreigners as the heads of their national museums, we cannot even broach this topic. Pandit Nehru had invited an American, Grace Morley, to set up the National Museum in Delhi, in the 1950s — but then, Nehru is suddenly so controversial. Another hard fact is that most central museums are forced to do with just half their sanctioned strength of curatorial and other staff. Then, their prolonged lack of promotion has resulted in demoralisation and demotivation. To add insult to injury, the Central government has recently ‘abolished’, just vanished, almost 100 posts in Delhi’s National Museum. State-run museums are not any better, but despite all the talk, very few from the private sector are prepared to walk — and set up museums.

       One factor that is inhibiting the growth of museums and collections in India is the retrograde Antiquities and Art Treasures Act of 1972. It was brought in to prevent the Nizam from selling his treasures abroad. It failed in this task, and the Central Government was ultimately compelled to purchase these from him. We paid 65 million dollars — about 450 crore rupees today — only to lock them up in a vault. Under this law, “antiquity” means “any coin, sculpture, painting, epigraph or other work of art or craftsmanship”, which obviously covers many of our heirlooms. The term “art treasure” is defined as “any human work of art.........that the Central Government notifies” as such. These sweeping provisions affect all of us, because most of us did not even know that we are supposed to queue up before the single Registering Officers that the ASI usually has in each state or ASI Circle. We have to fill up complicated forms and then answer so many probing questions. We may all, therefore, technically offenders under the Act and would hardly ever get permission to sell these objects, even to a fellow Indian, within India.  If you recall, the immediate impact of the Act was that in the 1970s and 1980s, Hindi movies just had to have a foreign smuggler in their plots. He was usually blonde haired; he spoke in broken Hindi and he brought an attache full of cash — to take out our idols and sculptures. Obviously, Bollywood films knew that smuggling had become a profitable racket, while the government struggled to appoint Registering and Licensing Officers — from a terribly understaffed Archaeological Survey.

      Many art lovers have been campaigning for a decade and more, to scrap or amend the provisions of this Act, that constrict the free sale and movement of our treasures — within our own country. If we succeed, it would open up the art and antiquities market and ex-aristocrats or collectors would finally get value for the countless items that they have kept hidden — for fear of a dreadful bureaucracy. The art economy would gain, bringing in considerable employment, and Indians would be able to savour their long lost antiquities. Only then, can we expect private museums be set up, with some encouraging tax breaks, of course. Private collectors and collections would go up substantially — bringing into the public domain many historical items.

      We started with how our deep rooted amnesia was cured by epoch-making historical discoveries, from the 1830s to the 1950s. This revised and ‘retro-fitted Indian history’ gave an unprecedented fillip to the nascent idea of nationalism. In the closing decades of the 19th and the early decades of the 20th century, the new English-educated middle class and enlightened regional leaders seized this rediscovered history of India, to strengthen the nationalist cause. Archeological finds were flaunted by Indians to counter the overt British racialism, that was so evident in these very decades. But we must also be alive to the pitfalls of exercises in self-glorification, as this narrative may lead to the over romanticisation of India’s history. We have seen recently, how many claim that ancient India was far, far ahead of the rest of the world, in every discipline. The obverse side of this coin insists that India fell, because foreign conquerors and their descendants destroyed our rich culture and legacy. 

       The unique pride that archeological discoveries instilled in us also provoked national and cultural leaders to demonstrate that India’s living cultural traditions were equally ancient. We quote Bharata Muni’s Natya Shastra all the time, to demonstrate the ancient roots of the performing arts, but, frankly, we are not even sure when it was composed. While the origin and development of the classical performing arts do go back  several centuries, we must remember that we have departed from traditions. After the 1930s and ‘40s, and after Independence, classical dance had practically to be re-invented — to suit the front-facing proscenium stage The stigma attached to these dances performed by the Devadasis, was broken only when dancers from the upper castes and classes dared to perform them. In December 1935, Rukmini Devi Arundale shocked her Tamil Brahman community in Madras — that  walked out of the hall in disgust — as soon as she got up on stage, to dance like a “low class Sadir”. Coming to the North, we find Kathak had to extricate itself from being branded as the sleazy dance of nautch girls —thanks to the efforts of pioneers like Kalkaprasad  Maharaj. This was also in the early part of the 20th century and Birju Maharaj belongs to the third generation of this — so recent was the revival. Odishi is definitely ancient, but for centuries, the Mahari dancers and little boys, Gotipuas, had to gasp for survival. It was only in the late 1940s and the ‘50s, that four Gurus led by Kelucharan Mohapatra, could rescue it. In fact, Laxmipriya Mohapatra’s dance in Cuttack in 1948 is regarded as the first performance of classical Odishi, after its revival. In the last 70 years, these arts were appropriated by the upper classes, and cleansed or sanitised. But most traditional dancers have disappeared

     To be fair, however, not every great dance form was degraded in public esteem — as some had continued for centuries, on their own strong traditions, like those in many parts of the South. Sri Vallathol's campaign to extend Mohiniyattam from small pockets in Kerala, led to the establishment of Kala-mandalam and to the spread of this dance form. In the 1930s, an American lady, re-born as Ragini Devi, revived the skills of Kathakali through ingenious re-packaging. She performed before Indian audiences and also introduced the dance form in the West. Around the same time, Tagore patronised the obscure dance of tiny Manipur, and gave it nation-wide publicity and recognition.

         Dance recitals had to be restructured to suit a front-facing proscenium stage, modifying performing protocols that were meant for audiences seated all around — as in the dance halls of temples and palaces. Lack of audiences and patronage are said to be the biggest ailments in this arena. But even in the past, the Natya-mandapams or dance halls were usually quite small —  as after all, the term classical’ means that it was restricted to connoisseurs. Some feel that the phenomenal expansion in the size of audiences today, and the democratisation of classical forms in post-Independence era, has led to the ‘poly-packing culture’. Modern audiences just do not have so much time. The success of the top artistes in the revived classical forms meant that the number of practitioners has gone up substantially. The  Ministry of Culture’s annual salary grants and production grants can hardly meet these expectations. However, despite losing the patronage of earlier maharajas and nawabs, it was possible to sustain the Guru Shishya tradition in the performing arts. I feel pained to hear that these government grants have now been reduced and delayed, for years. Well known artistes and dance troupes earn enough, but nobody really looks at the vast army of low-paid technicians, without whose support the performing arts would have collapsed. In post-Liberalisation India, philanthropists need to step in and imbibe from western capitalist societies, the great virtue of ‘giving back’.

          Before moving naturally to classical music, we will take a little detour through theatre. India does not have any single recognised national theatre form as such, traditional or modern. We have, however, thriving regional theatre traditions in many languages, like Bengali, Kannada, Malayali, Marathi and even Manipuri. Each one revolves around its own cultural ethos — like contemporary issues, political protest, existentialist problems, mythological tales, sheer laughter, regional historical memory, and so on. Any attempt to foist one language over others will be retrograde, and instead of thinking of cultural homogenisation, we must tackle the real ailments. These are finance and audiences that are moving away to the cinema and television. Many of us are aware of how so many dedicated directors, playwrights, actors and supporting staff work for a pittance — for the love of theatre. Yet, several regional theatre traditions need immediate help, before they die out.

        Finding theatrical spaces, at reasonable costs, is the biggest problem for most groups, as commercial auditoria are beyond their reach. This is where the Ministry of Culture and many State governments stepped in, right from 1961, the centenary year of Tagore’s birth. Numerous Rabindra theatres were set up all over India, that offered performing spaces — at affordable costs, in towns, big and small. By the 1980s, however, this scheme petered out, but we managed to revive it again in 2011, with good funding as it marked the 150th birth anniversary of Rabindranath. Though India could get a second round of auditoria, that could cater to medium and larger audiences, what most experimental plays required were smaller or more intimate spaces. These ‘Studio Theatres’ or ‘Black Boxes’ facilitate close interaction between actors and the audience and the Ministry made a special scheme to assist this concept. But where we completely failed was to set up world-class multiplexes for the performing arts, like the Lincoln Center in Washington DC or the Getty Complex in Los Angeles. Mumbai is lucky to have such an NCPA, while Kolkata has a reasonable large but unplanned complex, in its Rabindra Sadan-Nandan Cinema precincts, where good cinema and vibrant performing arts jostle for space. It is sad to note that Delhi, the national capital of India, has nothing comparable. There is not one theatre hall with the size, acoustics or depth of the stage to host an international symphony or ballet group. We pleaded with everyone for years together, but then we had no Jamshed Bhabha with a big vision or his successor.

        Let us now move to classical Hindustani and Carnatic music where traditions run as deep, but be honest enough to admit that the real boost came mainly in the 18th century. The major breakthrough in Hindustani classical was made only in the early decades of the 20th century — when stalwarts like Paluskar and Bhatkhande tried to bring this traditional but elitist music closer to the common man. Organisers of music conferences or soirĂ©es in the 1930s and 1940s also played their role — to take it out of temples, palaces and baithaks. The real quantum leap took place, however, in 1952, when BV Keskar assumed charge as the first Information Minister of India, for one long decade. He was obsessed with the idea that the new nation needed only classical Indian music, Hindustani and Carnatic. He banned Hindi film music from All India Radio altogether, and may have shut down Western music as well, had Pandit Nehru not been around. On the plus side, he organised massive Akashvani Sangeet Sammelans in major cities. It was really Keskar who was instrumental in reaching classical music to the masses, over the State Radio.

       From the early part of the twentieth century, classical and semi classical Indian music had to adapt to new inventions, like the gramophone — which brought in drastic reduction in the time per song, until the LP arrived. Microphones were not allowed or required by connoisseurs in their baithaks, but it was mandated by both the radio and music conferences. Vocalists and musicians had now to be careful, as every drop would be magnified in the whole hall. The gramophone, and then the radio, sliced up performances into time-clocked  bits and pieces, and classical music was hardly its former self — when pandits and ustads had enthralled audiences through the night, well past dawn. But there was a persistent demand for bringing popular Hindi film music back on radio. As Keskar refused to oblige, lovers of popular film music turned to Radio Ceylon, where our own Ameen Sayani captivated millions, right from 1952 with ‘Binaca Geetmala’. Then Parliament took up this issue, and finally the government capitulated after five years. It began its own programme of Hindi film and popular music, on Akashvani, called Vividh Bharati. With the rapid expansion of the radio network connecting remote corners of India, like Jhumritalaiya, popular Hindi music gained the most. Then, during the three wars of 1962, 1965 and 1971, the entire nation turned to the radio, which also soared to unprecedented heights, by organising programmes like Jaimala where patriotic songs were broadcast, with film personalities.

        In the 1970s, the transistor replaced the old clumsy radio valves, and instantly, the radio became portable and cheaper. Within a decade, every roadside pan shop in India was blaring out Hindi film music. This brought colloquial Hindi to most Indian homes, even in the deep South, where opposition to the imposition of Hindi was most acute. The short point is that popular Hindi songs managed to unite all categories of Indians, who spoke different languages, especially the generations born after Independencethrough a musical lingua franca. Many of us have objections to several ludicrous or garish film songs, but we can hardly deny that many old Hindi film songs have reached iconic status among the common people. Their unforgettable lyrics, haunting voices and exciting music are now part of modern India’s popular culture. We must also remember that while a limited number of Indians could actually pay to see a movie in a hall, the masses could always hear these film songs, as our public spaces reverberated with them. But we also need to address separately, whether this is destroying our linguistic plurality or public tastes.

         We must remember that culture is a powerful tool, that needs to be handled with care, or else it may stir emotions that run out of control. The state television, Doordarshan, also played a big role in bringing Indians together in a shared memory, especially in the last quarter of the 20th century, when it had a monopoly. Academics have, however, started drawing a nexus between the two DD epic serials, that were so immensely popular, between 1987 and 1990, and the sudden upsurge of one community pride that followed. Without more serious work, we cannot be sure whether these serials actually led to the unprecedented aggression and riots of the 1990s. We bring this proposition only to highlight the inherent dangers that lurk in influencing the human mind. One must also compliment DD and AIR  for seriously catering to different sectoral, regional and ethnic demands — and for bringing the nation together, as also maintaining a cultural equilibrium. With the opening up of the radio and television market to the private sector, which was inevitable and necessary, market forces started dominating tastes — often catering to the lowest common denominator.

          Before I end with a few comments on western classical music in India, I must point to another major affliction, i.e., the indifference with which we treat our cultural archives. This stems from the same a-historical gene in us. We have photographs that go back to over one and a half centuries, and except piecemeal efforts, taken by private individuals and trusts, like the Alkazi Foundation, we have no coordinated or comprehensive effort to digitise and preserve them. The Archeological Survey’s earliest photographs of India in the second half of the 19th century, were whisked away to the British Library in London. But frankly, we could not even take care of what the Empire left behind. The same fate awaited the radio recordings, that began only in the late 1940s, on a selective basis. Some of the silver coated and acetate discs of All India Radio have survived and have been digitised —as have some music recordings on wax cylinders, that the primitive gramophone used. But many precious spools of radio archives, containing masterpieces, have simply disappeared. Many were overwritten, to meet the shortage of tapes in the 1950s and 1960s. Film preservation is in a little better stage, with the setting up of the National Film Archives, and the later, the National Film Heritage Mission. But world class professionals feel that we are still miles behind. These are not like architecture, because once music or film records are destroyed, we can hardly rediscover or excavate them later on.

            It is a lasting tragedy, however, that the radio and domestic television have moved away so far from western music. For several decades after Independence, All India Radio popularised different genres of western music, from Jazz and Rock to Pop and Country Folk. Radio carried popular programmes of Western Classical as well. It was in the radio archives, that one came across Satyajit Ray’s talks on ‘What Beethoven Means to Me’ and ‘The Music I Live By’. But then, over the years, All India Radio has deliberately been cutting down Western Music programmes, and it is really too minuscule now. I remember the uphill task we faced when Doordarshan and our Radio recorded Zubin Mehta’s ‘Concert for Kashmir’ in September 2013. Had it not been for the public competitions of western music in Goa, Mumbai, Kolkata, etc, and the internet, our youth could hardly sustain their interest in this domain. Sadly, the western music schools or societies in Kolkata, Delhi, Bengaluru and Chennai have their limitations. The north-east has also its own form of western music, especially in the choral category, and this seems to have struck deep roots into the culture of states like Meghalaya, Mizoram and Nagaland.

        I have bemoaned the fact that Delhi does not have a world class size stage in any large auditorium, with the state-of-the art acoustics and lighting equipment. But frankly, neither does any other city, except Mumbai, where audiences can savour the excellence of western classical music or ballet dances. We hear that while China has countless
western orchestras, but  India has only one full-fledged one, here in NCPA. Had it not been for the Symphony Orchestra of India, that fructified thanks to the inspiration of Jamshed Bhabha, and the untiring efforts of Mr Suntook, we would not have even this one. I take this occasion to congratulate Marat Bisengaliev, Zane Dalal and the whole team for their dedication. The present neglect and abandonment of western classical music in India is an ailment in our arts scene, that has to be addressed, if leaders are really serious in projecting India as a world power. It is the SOI that is keeping our flag fluttering.

          What is clear from the narrative is that the arts of every generation require not only creative and extremely talented persons to rejuvenate each tradition and appreciative audiences — but also patrons, who are rather rare. Most American billionaires of the last one and a half centuries are almost all forgotten, but the names of those who made handsome grants to culture and education —like Carnegie, Rockefeller, Vanderbilt, Guggenheim and Getty — will never be forgotten. They remain immortalised through the institutions they helped to create. The names of the Tatas, Bhabhas and other families that contributed to education, science or the arts, are similarly engraved in public memory — and will continue to remain so, for generations to come. My forty one years in government service, both in the Central and State governments, have made one fact clear to me — that governments have severe limitations, in terms of funding, expertise and commitment to the arts. The saturation point has already been reached, and government is struggling to find several million crore rupees, required for its absolutely essential critical sectors. India has now to seriously decide on how the arts are to be sustained, so that finer instincts are honed in our countrymen. We need to combat the lure of colourful but mentally-debilitating forms of entertainment, to the extent possible. I would appeal to those, who are fortunate to have been endowed with abundance by the Almighty, to come forward. They need to lend a helping hand to institutions like the NCPA, that require as much support as possible, to carry on their mission and enrich humankind.

       I end, by complimenting this august audience for your patience, and my gracious hosts for giving me this great opportunity. My humble salutations to the memory of Jamshed Bhabha, who made a dream come true, in the arts scene of Mumbai, India and the world.




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