Tuesday, 13 August 2019

Love All Religions Was Mahatma Gandhi’s Mission


Love All Religions Was Mahatma Gandhi’s Mission

Jawhar Sircar
Tashkent, 27th June 2019

     India, as you know, is a multi ethnic, multi lingual, multi religious country which is vast and populous. Of the 1 billion 300 million people in India today, some 170 million are Muslims, which is the second largest Muslim population in any country of the world. Though Muslims are in a minority, they have lived in peace with Hindus and other religions for centuries. In the 20th century, India was under the control of the British for almost the whole of the first half. During this period, Indians rose in revolt against the British and intra-ethnic and intra-religious unity among Indians was essential if the Indian freedom struggle was to succeed. This is when the British began to “divide and rule” by playing upon the differences between Hindus and Muslims, so that a united opposition was made difficult. It succeeded partly as religion is a highly sensitive subject but, by and large, it failed because the leader of the Indian freedom struggle, Mahatma Gandhi was not only secular or equidistant from all religions, his religion was one of peace and brotherhood among all religions. We shall go over this subject briefly. 

        In his autobiography Gandhiji clarifies that without religion the idea of polity is quite unimaginable. “In fact religion should remain method and medium of our work but one should be very careful about the word ‘religion’. It doesn’t refer to the extremist ideologies; it means faith in a particular moral system. It is abstract but by that its importance can not be overlooked. It is miles away from the Hindu, Islam or Sikh religions. It is not to out root these religions but to find common minimum co relations between them, and make it a real religion.” He reiterates that this unique religion is different from the violent ones. He believed, however, that polity and religion can coexist if religion is a moral doctrine. His religion is sovereign and tolerative, away from superstitious’ and traitors. He doesn’t call it a religion which spreads hate, but one that fights on morality.

    By the 1920s, however, the British strategy to divide Hindus and Muslims had started working and bitterness spread among the two major communities. Gandhi made it the mission of his life to preach the essential oneness of both religions that believed in one Supreme Being. Gandhi’s faith was essentially in peace and co-existence and thus the need of the hour was to ensure that the imperial power should not split up a nation and a people who had lived together for a millennium and more. In 1948, NK Bose quoted Gandhi in his Selections From Gandhi when he explained “the aim of my mission of Fellowship should be to help a Hindu to become a better Hindu, a Mussalman to become a better Mussalman, and a Christian a better Christian.”

         Gandhi showed his commitment to upholding the cause of Indian Muslims when he strongly supported the Khilafat movement in 1919 to fight the designs of western imperial powers to destroy the Ottoman Caliphate after the First World War. Many Hindus and Muslims were surprised at this bonding that the movement brought about between the two communities and both jumped together on Gandhi’s call. The Sunnis were convinced that Mahatma Gandhi was not just a political leader but that he was first a secular national leader and also a genuine lover of all humanity. They actually requested Gandhi to lead their historic movement and thus began his long journey of agitating against the imperial powers with moral strength but by completely non-violent means. 

     Later, when Gandhi began his “Constructive Programme” for the Indian National Congress, he insisted that “equal respect for all religions the first step towards national reconstruction. He exhorted every member of the Congress party to cultivate "personal friendship with persons representing faiths other than his own”. (Collected Works, volume 75, p. 109). Gandhi began holding his dialogue between different religious groups as a significant dimension of the practice of religious pluralism in South Africa, where he had begun his struggle against colonial excesses, even before he came to India in 1915. Other than his essential policy of inter-faith dialogue, the other crucial element of his philosophy was the renunciation of violence in any form as a legitimate means of religious or political expression. (Collected Works, volume 16, p 312).

         Gandhi used the language and idiom of religion in explaining his political vision as the masses understood this approach — when he couched his moral mission in terms of religion. This endeared him to the people more than other leaders like Pandit Nehru who kept a safe distance from anything to do with religion. His moral courage was so strong that he faced the brutality of the British police, sticks and guns without ever retaliating with violence or hatred. Let us see the most extreme example of his courage and conviction. In 1947, when Punjab and Bengal, the two provinces that were artificially partitioned into India and Pakistan, riots broke out between the two major communities, as they were provocateurs on both sides. This is when Gandhi’s moral force proved to be stronger. While several battalions failed to stop violence in Punjab, Bengal remained largely peaceful because Mahatma Gandhi walked for miles among riotous mobs, pacifying them — as a single man non-violent army. 

           In fact, he paid the ultimate price of his love for Hindus and Muslims when he was killed by a misled fanatic who complained that he loved the Muslims more.

Tuesday, 30 July 2019

Trinamool Must Check Its Own Intolerance to Counter the Rise of BJP in Bengal

Trinamool Must Check Its Own Intolerance to Counter the Rise of BJP in Bengal

By Jawhar Sircar
(Published on 29.07.2019 in The Wire)

I have no love lost for any of the four major political parties that I have interacted with in Bengal in the last half-century. I joined the Indian Administrative Service in 1975 during the Emergency, and I have seen at close quarters how democracy was trampled by the Congress in Bengal – with the Maintenance of Internal Security Act, arbitrary arrests and detentions by the police and widespread clampdown on free speech and political rights.
I worked under the Left Front for 23 of its 34 years and witnessed firsthand the growth of a one-party state and how the opposition was ostracised and hounded at every level.
Our initial enthusiasm for the land reforms introduced by the Left for establishing socioeconomic justice dampened when we saw the devastating effects of their depredations at the village level. Every opponent was crushed by ruthless party cadres on motorbikes and the emerging mafias. Their extra-cosy relation with dubious businessmen was an open secret.
I was in Delhi when the tragedies at Nandigram and Singur happened and Mamata Banerjee swept the polls in 2011, but I kept very close track of my home state and its happenings. By the time I returned to Kolkata in 2016, the Trinamool Congress (TMC) had been in power for over five years and already a veritable terror. It had not only mastered the art of crushing all opposition from the Leftists, but had even bettered all in this game. Naturally, my conscience did not permit me to join their government in any advisory position in spite of hints and offers.
I say all this because I fear for my state and my country more now than ever before. Has Bengal really and decisively voted for communalism like the rest of India, except perhaps Kerala and Punjab? Has it finally succumbed to the lure of Hindutva and right-wing intimidation?
The rise of BJP
Many have been trying to understand what really happened in the Lok Sabha polls of April-May 2019, where the Bharatiya Janata Party secured 18 of the 42 Lok Sabha seats, going up from its 2014 performance of just two seats. This gave the TMC chills, as its seat count went down drastically from 34 to 22. Had it not managed to claw an additional 3.5% vote share this time (its earlier share was 40.3%), the BJP may have overtaken it. After all, the BJP caught up with the TMC’s vote share, going up from its 22.2% of 2014 to 40.2% this time around.
The Left was wiped out, losing both the seats it held in 2014. Its vote share went down to a miserable 6.3%. The Congress lost two of its earlier seats but managed to win two. 
However, before we declare that the BJP is surely going to drive Banerjee out in the next assembly polls two years from now – if not earlier – we need to understand that it is not a Hindu communal wave that is sweeping Bengal at present, as the yes-sir media is making it out to be. The BJP is winning not solely because of the Modi factor but because of some terrible mistakes that Banerjee has made.
In Bengal, the BJP is now, in fact, a conglomerate of desperate Leftists, Congress and even ex-Trinamool supporters who have regrouped under its protection, on the comfort of immunity that they figure they will get because of the party controlling the Central government and the para-military forces. TMC’s hitherto-unchallenged muscle power everywhere is facing an equally violent challenge – for the first time.
The sheer belligerence of the sword-wielding goons on motorbikes carrying saffron flags and fearsome blood-red tilaks on their forehead may gladden many, because finally, some group is giving the ruffians of the Trinamool Congress a run for their money. But we must also realise the long-term implications.
TMC versus BJP
How on earth can Banerjee blame the Congress of dynastic politics when she herself foists her own nephew as her successor and the most powerful man in Bengal? She is single and lives in humble circumstances, making the poor man’s hawai chappal her trademark, but if half the stories one hears about the other person are true, well, he sure lives it up.
Her government is certainly no less autocratic than Modi’s, so many voters prefer one over the other. At least the BJP puts up an attitude of zero tolerance to corruption. The TMC, however, has no such pretensions. The Saradha and Rose Valley scandals are just two glaring examples, and the timely exposé by some Machiavelli’s Narada channel sting operation revealed that the TMC leaders who were caught on camera took raw cash quite nonchalantly. Instead of taking action against them – many of them have been sent to jail thanks to the unrelenting pursuit of the Central Bureau of Investigation and the Enforcement Directorate – Mamata defended them tooth and nail. They win elections anyway, but the party’s image is bruised.
The BJP also manages its funding with more finesse and does not make a fetish of picking up petty lakhs from shady businessmen, because the real big fat cats come to it, laden with booty. It was recently reported that the BJP received nearly Rs 600 crore in six years from DLF, a controversial realty behemoth (derogatorily called a ‘promoter’ in Bengal), and a Bharti-backed trust of the Airtel-Mittals.
Other RTI-based reports indicate that nearly 95% of the highly opaque donations under the controversial electoral bonds scheme went to the BJP from 2016 onwards, and the remaining crumbs were thrown at all other parties put together. A fresh report by the Association for Democratic Reforms suggests that in the last two years, the BJP has received a maximum donation of Rs 915.6 crore, which forms 94% of the total donations to political parties in the last two financial years.
TMC’s high-handedness
One can have absolutely no objection to a democratic rightist government like Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s, but it is frightening to see how dangerous communal forces are actually being propelled to power in Bengal by the TMC’s high-handedness. In spite of all odds, my first submission is that there is still hope left for a tolerant, secular state. But tolerance must first come from the ruling party as, on the one hand, it professes this where religious communities are concerned and practices complete intolerance where democratic politics is concerned.
The manner in which the ruling party hounded every political worker from the opposition parties over the last eight years is quite unparalleled. We must remember that while the Congress’s excesses brought in the Left and the Left’s ‘terror’ brought in the TMC, all of them were – or are – steadfast believers in pluralism and secularism.
It is a different matter altogether that the cult of political violence never seems to leave this state, once bombs and pistols were taken up by nationalist radicals called the ‘Bengal Terrorists,’ and then against the British – more than a century ago. All said and done, none of the three secular parties has ever threatened to split this nation down the middle – with swords and trishuls – as the BJP-RSS combine does, and drive us to a permanent state of emergency and terror.
The four decades that my generation of administrators worked for the nation were those that began with Naga and Mizo insurgencies, which are quite fearsome to recall; through the upheavals when Assam and Punjab were determined to secede from India (we faced “Indian dogs, get out!” in both states), while Kashmir and Naxalite areas were always on the boil – but state repression was less.
We had to tackle many other threats to the Indian union, in our own different ways. Quite a few in my batch of IAS officers died in service, mainly from stress and suicide, while some paid the price with other breakdowns. This happens with other civil servants and more with policemen as well, especially those who follow the constitution and their conscience. It is now incumbent on us to hold India together.
How TMC is digging its own grave
The TMC has to realise it is digging its grave with its political intolerance. The same police that currently does its every bidding – including filing false cases against opponents – will be the first one to hound them if the government changes. Only an immediate relief from concocted police cases to its political opponents, including the BJP, would allow thousands of Left and Congress workers to return home.
Many political workers who left their own parties to take shelter under the BJP banner may even return to their natural political inclinations. Unless the secular parties reach some sort of understanding, the saffron wave looks unstoppable. And no one will heed Banerjee’s appeal to the non-BJP parties to come together unless she gives up her policy to exterminate all opposition, including parties wedded to secularism long before she arrived.
The chief minister must also stop going overboard in her attempt to appear pro-Muslim as this is being misunderstood by the majority Hindu community. The BJP pounces on her as being anti-Hindu and this impression is being systematically encouraged and amplified by a ruthless social media and whisper campaign. As the last election proved, and she is almost powerless against this new tsunami.
Many a time, her party and government have been accused of sheltering Muslim terrorists and extremists – which is unforgivable, if true. Some news items reported that even Bangladesh had asked India to investigate links between the Muslim radical Jamaat-e-Islami and the Trinamool Congress.
In the greater interest of Muslims and all others, she must stop being so tolerant of the ‘excesses’ and criminal activities of a handful of Muslims, who find no support in their own community and only give the TMC a bad name. This powerful charge against her is damaging the cause of secularism in Bengal and will ultimately harm the same Muslims she walks that extra mile to protect. She may also like to cut down on her optics of wearing a ‘hijab’ and plastering this visual everywhere, as no one is challenging her secularism. Only this will save the Muslims of Bengal from sure doom. Other visible measures like covering beef and pork meat that are openly on sale from public view may actually help the state retain its sanity.
TMC’s fragmented structure
Besides, the TMC is badly, and perhaps deliberately, fragmented into dangerous rival camps. At the level of an assembly constituency or the Panchayat Samiti (erstwhile block), the party has at least eight to ten rival leaders and camps that are at daggers drawn position. It is only the ‘high command’ that is holding the peace and it allocates to each warlord which section of voters’ support they must procure during different elections, or quit. 
Many feel that the chief reason for making a dreadful mockery of the panchayat elections last year was the TMC’s fear of losing even a single grassroots vote bank, because that would mean that money from schemes and muscle-power would move away. Banerjee has to find a way out of this and she appears to have taken the first step with her ‘cut money’ announcement. She has recently directed her supporters to return the ‘cut money’ that they squeezed from beneficiaries of the welfare schemes, which is, indeed a bold but desperate step.
But this may take care of only a part of the problem. Political observers say that the very political structure of the TMC depends on local satraps, many of who extort money from businessmen and even common citizens, while her party’s panchayat leaders defraud her much-publicised government schemes.

Unlike the Congress, the Trinamool (as its name ‘grassroots’ suggests) could build up grassroots support through local clubs and by procuring the backing of most organisers of community pujas – to challenge the all-powerful ‘local committees’ of the Left Front. This helped her finally remove the invincible Marxists who ruled Bengal for 34 long years.
She had to encourage some puja or the other every month so that these clubs and the various factions of her local base could raise ‘donations’ and please their voters with gala evenings of songs and feasting. Though she pampered these clubs with more than Rs 600 crores of doles and permitted their excesses, this solid support base may switch to the Hindu party if they enrich and empower them more. While she extended her single-party rule more and more every month, with assured grassroots support of the party and police.
When I go to villages, I am told of well-organised rackets of siphoning money from the NREGA scheme that ensures a hundred days’ employment to the poorest, through false or dubious ‘job cards’ of beneficiaries. Many spoke of corruption in possibly all anti-poverty schemes. The illegal mining of coal in western Bengal and sand from river beds everywhere is done in broad daylight. Officers look the other way, as they have no choice – no one wants to be a ‘martyr’ by standing up to the government. Many are wondering how to get out of this mess, as this habit of making money appears to be unstoppable.
The richest party in the history of India is adding fuel to the fire by throwing money all around in this do-or-die battle in Bengal. It is common knowledge that local businessmen and those from the ‘up-country states’ sponsor Ram-Hanuman pujas and will do anything for the Hindu cause. There is proof of more electoral bonds being sold in Kolkata than elsewhere, obviously to finance this operation in Bengal.
Even so, Banerjee has to give up her recent temptation to arouse Bengali nationalism to counter the BJP’ Hindu-Hindi image. Bengal is one of the very few states where parochial movements were never encouraged or popular, and the respect that its people have for plurality and secularism should remain unsullied and non-negotiable.
The BJP in Bengal is basically a conglomerate of all disgruntled political leaders, workers and local toughs of all shades who are against the TMC for their own reasons – rife with internal tensions and quarrels. The only way to tackle the terror and counter-terror that rocks the state every day is to realise what is the ‘primary contradiction’ and what is really secondary.
Only if democracy is restored in Bengal can all healthy secular parties fight communalism as a joint campaign. That campaign must be won, to save Bengal and India.

Sunday, 26 May 2019

It Doesn’t Matter Who Wins Today – India Remains Battered and Divided


It Doesn’t Matter Who Wins Today – India Remains Battered and Divided

By Jawhar Sircar
(23 May,2019, The Wire)

Countless people are arguing incessantly about whether Narendra Modi will come back to power – many have assumed that it is a foregone conclusion. 

It may be time to take a realistic look, which means that it does not matter which political party or parties form the next government. Only the naive refuse to believe that India is what it was between 1947 and 2014 – largely tolerant, secular and wedded to democratic norms.

The issue is that even if a coalition that is opposed to the BJP wins, it can hardly reverse the beliefs and behavioural patterns that have been injected and nourished over the last five years. The needle has moved a lot, not only towards Hindutva but also towards the right (the two are not necessarily coterminous) and it is unrealistic to expect that this will change with a new ruling party or by external intervention, however vigorous.
Hate is now legitimate and a large section of Hindus that support the overpowering of Muslims, Christians and Dalits are not expected to cringe and convert to pluralism anytime in the near future. Obligations under the constitution and the political culture of tolerance and centrism had been embraced by Atal Bihari Vajpayee, the only other BJP prime minister, but they are now gone.

Let us admit that Hindu aggression is more than just respectable – it is often the desired posture. Victimhood and valorisation are the twin pillars of a fascist ideology and these have now been injected into the blood of too many Hindus to be just wished away. As Viktor Frankyl discovered, there is a latent fascist streak in all of us – someone just stoked it, rather successfully.

What we have learnt from the eerie silence in India that followed repeated lynchings over cows and beef, the immediate but ineffective protests from a vocal minority of liberals notwithstanding, is that a vast section of Hindus are totally uncompromising on this one issue. Neither the fact that all Muslims certainly do not consume beef nor that a person’s diet is a constitutionally protected right, cut any ice.

Even the Congress has to placate these millions whose stand on this issue brooks no compromising attitude and hence it stands charged with peddling ‘soft Hindutva’. The whole business disguises, ever so thinly, a growing disgust at meat-eating or non-vegetarianism per se, even where the Hindu diet is concerned. Vaishnav vegetarianism is sure to be foisted, more so over the next few years, as India’s preference.

India’s historic equilibrium between the three major Hindu belief systems, Vaishnav, Shaiva and Shakta, that took centuries and millennia to arrive at, is now quite inconsequential. It was but natural for the largely-vegetarian Gangetic plains to graduate from just Hindi-Hindu-Hindutva (HHH) to using diet as its vanguard as it expands its hegemonic desires. In a way, this arises from the cumulative failure of decades of a liberal rule that could not induce the Hindi heartland to try to learn at least one other Indian language, to broaden their world view at least.

All of India that lies beyond this belt struggles with three, or at least two, languages (and cultures), while the votaries of HHH revel in myopia, while their representatives Blythe, quite unabashedly, every central government institution and office in India, in the name of propagating the ‘official language’.

All said and done, much of the hatred for liberals arises from what is perceived as the privileged English educated (often foreign schooled) class by the Hindi-bred, even those brought up in the vernacular languages. Now that this class conflict has found an ideology that legitimises desi pride, often with dollops of conjured history, it is not likely to recede after the elections and concede space to the erstwhile dominant narrative of refined Nehruvian liberals.

India has always prided itself as the only third world country that had successfully confined its army within barracks and cantonments. But one is not sure how long. A dozen or so retired generals have reportedly joined the BJP, which is ominous, and thousands of other members of the armed forces, retired or in service, appear convinced that only one party is finally giving them their dues — even when it shies away from taking a call on the vexatious ‘One Rank One Pension’ issue.

After all, what began as genetically-propelled pulsations of ultra-nationalism, that all rightist parties indulge in, in lieu of a proper political ideology, is now an integral part of state policy and propaganda, ably supported by a rabid social media.

Again, it does not matter that history tells us that this particular political stream stayed away, rather determinedly, from the national struggle during its most critical hour and that it does not have a single nationalist leader in its pantheon, in spite of repeated attempts to poach them from the Indian National Congress movement.

It boasts of crushing terror with an iron hand, though statistics tell us otherwise – that between 2014 and 2018, India suffered 388 major acts of terrorism. Kashmir is as good as ‘gone’ – history will tell us where – and whoever comes to power will have to contend with the situation that has been created with so much effort. Ultra-nationalism is here to stay and will continue to dominate Indian politics, irrespective of who rules.

Liberals ruled for decades on end but not one government or educational system had either the courage or foresight to openly tell Hindus certain home truths about their religion – like the persecution of Buddhists and Jains during the ancient period of Indian history. Not all Buddhist centres were destroyed by Muslim invaders only and the Bengali term for ‘ruins’, dhangsa-stupa or the ‘destroyed (not decayed) stupa’ says a lot, indeed.

Let us be logical: could large parts of Southeast Asia ever became Hindu, without some proselytisation? The relentless Brahmanisation, that M.N. Srinivas explained as Sanskritisation, was only a trifle different from the sanctioned (and often valorised) conversion undertaken by the Semitic religions. History tells us that no religion has ever been really faultless and if all facts were placed up front at least some Hindus would rethink their ‘victimhood’ under Muslim rule.

This uncontrollable Frankenstein that will surely haunt us well after Modi is gone may never have been manufactured. In all honesty, we need also to admit that the liberal’s inexplicable silence every time Muslim terror strikes anywhere certainly exacerbates the disgust of anti-liberals and swells their numbers.

As Viktor Uhlrich reveals in his recent biography Hitler: Ascent, the dictator’s foul-mouthed speeches and opinions were not spontaneous, but came out after careful preparation, precisely designed to gain maximum attention from the media and maximum reaction from the crowds.

But coming to the positive side, one must admit this new-fascist wave drew the best out of a section of liberals – not all – who rose to the occasion, as never before. This group finally got its act together and launched a relentless, tireless struggle against every authoritarian measure, each public lynching and all that went against India’s basic plural structure.

A vindictive leader, party, organisation and state spared no effort to cow them down, from indulging in the vilest of abuses to organising tax and other raids and threatening or instituting fearsome legal proceedings, but that only strengthened their resolve to carry on the struggle.

It also brought out a new breed that prided itself as ‘neutrals’ whose stings and perennial arguments are often more vicious than the neo-fascists. They cover their lack of courage by engaging in exasperating arguments and criticising with puerile logic those brave-hearts who take on the dreaded establishment at great personal risks and also suffer financial losses.

We cannot also but mention that New Delhi has, like most national capitals the world over, its own crop of ‘sunflowers’ that is genetically programmed to turn towards whichever sun rules the sky, as they constitute the interesting core of the Delhi’s chatterati, who, of course, are privy to whispered secrets.

William Reich’s The Mass Psychology of Fascism, a 1933 classic, holds good even today. Nations have paid a heavy price earlier for this choice of politics and have gone through a painful historic scourge of Armageddon – which was dreadful. To expect the poll results in India to change it all is quite unrealistic as the virus is now too well entrenched to be wished away.

The Bengali version of this article was published in the Ananda Bazar Patrika.





Monday, 6 May 2019

Will Our Vote Be Known ?


Will Our Vote Be Known ?


         (English Version of Article published in Ananda Bazar Patrika,   6th May 2019)

         Every election seems to be the most important ever in history and the 2019 polls are, therefore, perceived as the most critical in a long time. I have conducted elections from 1977 when, as ‘assistant returning officer’ of Burdwan, I witnessed the collapse of Indira Gandhi’s hegemony. Since then, I have participated in different election processes in different official capacities, in Bengal and elsewhere, and ended up as the state’s chief electoral officer during the 1998 and 1999 parliamentary elections. As a keen observer of the electoral process, I can safely say that this election is really quite different from others —except perhaps 1977 — as India has to take a very grave choice, on which the future of the nation depends in many senses. Having said that, my main worry now is that since vindictiveness is a part of state policy, should we not take extra care to protect the voter from being identified and harassed later on, by any powerful party at the centre or in the states? 

       Though it is still difficult to find out at an individual level who voted for whom, it is quite possible to know the voting pattern of a street or locality that goes to any particular polling station. The apprehension is that weaker sections and minorities that are particularly vulnerable to detection and retribution after the polls. In fact, a minister of the ruling party in the centre openly threatened voters on this account — because, as we stand now, it is not very difficult to find out the votes obtained, for or against, in each mohalla or paraa. This knowledge is critical to every party and every contestant. Under the previous ballot box system, the election commission could invoke rule 59A of the election rules and order the compulsory mixing or jumbling up of the ballots cast in a number of polling booths. This was done to make it impossible to find out which locality voted for whom. Ever since we introduced electronic voting machines (EVMs)  this legal provision became defunct. I remember quite nostalgically how, just before the 1999 parliament elections, election officials had to campaigned tirelessly to make voters aware of this voting machine which was totally new. Nowadays, each EVM shows the result of its own polling booth only and the results of a number of electronic machines can not be totalled or mixed up as we used to do for paper ballots. 

       The election commission, however, worked hard and consulted EVM manufacturers, who came up with a new machine called a ‘totaliser’ that could add and mix up the votes cast in fourteen polling booths. This was, indeed, a breakthrough and in November 2008, the commission wrote to the law ministry to amend the rules and introduce totalisers, at least optionally. The ministry sent it to a parliamentary committee that did not decide on this issue for several years, perhaps because political parties are always keen to know booth-wise or locality-wise results. The law ministry supported the commission’s recommendation through a policy note in 2010,  and the inaction that followed reveals one more of the many mistakes that the previous government made. But then, we did not have any fear of a quasi-totalitarian and incursive state then, as we have now, and once the results of the 2019 elections are made known, locality wise, mischief can be at work. 

            Returning to the continuing drama, we see that in 2014, the election commission dutifully reminded the ministry once again, of the dire necessity of protecting the identity of groups of voters, by resorting to ‘totalisers’. This was to be applied selectively in cases when they commission considers any constituency or a part of it to be sensitive from this angle. In 2014, the supreme court also stepped in and wanted to know why the ministry was not taking urgent action to amend the rule. The ministry responded by saying that it had sent this proposal to the law commission, which was quite true. But what is rather surprising is that even after the law commission clearly recommended in para 13.7 of its report of ‘electoral reforms’ in March 2015, that election rules should be amended to introduce totalisers, the present regime did not do so. It is quite clear that a section of the political class is keen to know which booth voted for them and which did not. If we go by the record of this regime in taking cruel, surgical strikes against minorities and dalits, one can only pray to the god of elections of India to ensure that nothing untoward happens later on. At the same time, we must also acknowledge that the people of India have gone through such qualms in the past as well and nothing can deter the masses whose minds are made up — on whom to vote.

Friday, 26 April 2019

Looking Differently at Ancient Indian History — From a Scientific Angle


                  Looking Differently at Ancient Indian History
                         — From a Scientific Angle

                                   Jawhar Sircar

               Autumn Annual of Presidency College Alumni Association
                                     20 January 2019

This article is an edited version of a talk delivered at the Ramakrishna Mission Institute of Culture, Gol Park, Kolkata on 25 August, 2017. It is based on the transcript prepared from the recording made by the Institute, later published by it.  

           The   topic which I have chosen to speak today seeks to bridge, to some extent, the ever-increasing gulf between the social sciences and the physical sciences. As academic disciplines improve their coverage and become more organised, more systematic and reach higher levels of understanding of reality in their own different ways, they become more and more exclusive. They begin to speak in languages that arise out of the requirement of their own disciplines without realising that their lexicon is hardly understood by anyone else who is not a part of their limited domain. Therefore, we find that it is extremely difficult to put two specialists from two different disciplines together and expect them to open up a meaningful conversation. Within  the  disciplines, too,  more  and more fragmentation occurs and very narrow domains of specialisation emerge, which makes communication extremely difficult even within the same discipline — as each specialist really knows so little about the others’ specialisation. This is why it so imperative for at least a few to connect the dots generated by separate findings and to keep trying to forge some degree of meaningful communication among these walled disciplines, to achieve a kind of a better understanding of reality.

Let us Link History and Science
          Let us take a typical social science like history and try to understand it from the angle of some physical science, say,  physics or chemistry. This is difficult to think of as all that most of us  remember of our encounters with history as a subject in school and college is one that is rather discouraging.  We were made to think of history as an exercise in remembering the deeds of kings, emperors, leaders and challengers. It appeared more concerned about dates — of war and peace and of major events and who won or who lost. Traditional approaches to history, therefore, hardly go beyond this and rarely ever explain how scientific and technological breakthroughs and advancements impacted society. Many more would have been attracted to the subject had it narrated how the advent of technology at each stage changed not only our values and world-views but also our very existence. We normally come against an instant mental block when we try to link history with science, as we are trained to treat them as two different worlds — as belonging to two completely separate domains. At the school and college level we are, of course, told about the ‘Copper Age’ or the ‘iron age’ but we are hardly ever told how succeeding technologies or ‘improved metals’ actually changed the very face of civilisations. We come to know only bits and pieces of how science impacted history — like how the invention of the steam engine spurred the industrial revolution in Europe. But how many know, for instance, that improvements in the technology of iron actually resulted in the spread of the Mauryan empire?

        As a result, the style of teaching history to which all of us are exposed in our early years, one that only recounted dates and events, usually ends up in being very uninteresting. For most students it is just  too boring. In fact,  I had  carefully avoided studying history even though I had decided to study a social science for my graduation as I felt that  studying  history  was just too stuffy. It appeared to be  confined only to past incidents and of persons who are dead and gone , and appeared unconcerned with the exciting and problematic present and could not care much about the enigmatic future. Historians did not really strain to change these early impressions as they were busy writing for each other’s consumption — not for us — and seemed to revel in their own world of the past. It was only after I left the university and had taken up a demanding job that I began to read history in my spare time, on my own terms. It was only then that I began to see the links between technology and civilisations — and soon succumbed to the charms of history. My official task was very time consuming but it was either full of intense pressures and tension (as when facing law and order problems, every day) or very mentally-debilitating (when tackling excessively rule-bound locked minds and complicated bureaucratic procedures). It was during these days that found that history and social anthropology to be fascinating distractions or alternatives and they did help me understand social behaviour and political structures that I was immersed in. In fact, I became so seriously engrossed in these subjects that I took to burning midnight oil for several years, after very tiring days in office or in public affairs, and earned my Masters degrees in them, on my own. It is from this belated love for the subjects that I shall try to explain to you — in my own non-historian’s language — some interesting linkages between scientific break-throughs, especially in metallurgy, and the corresponding developments in Indian history. Unless we learn to appreciate how each of the major phases  of our history was influenced by the prevailing state of technology, the two worlds will remain separate and even antagonistic to each other.

Inserting Harappan Civilisation into Indian History
          As there are many phases of Indian history, I will restrict  myself  to the  three  of the early stages  of historical development in India, namely, the Harappan, the Aryan or Vedic, and the Mauryan. It is my first submission that if Indians had not mastered theoretical and practical physics in developing accurate measurement systems, it would not have been possible  for them to create or sustain the Indus Valley or the Harappan civilisation for almost 2500 years. It was only after we understood the purport of the discovery of this civilisation in the late 1950s could we claim the honour of being one of the three oldest civilisations in the world — a distinction that belonged only on Egypt and Mesopotamia till then. There is a fourth civilisation  that is given equal antiquity and that is the Chinese one, even though it came up some seven-eight hundred years later. Until the Harappan civilisation on the Indus Valley entered our text books around 1960, all us firmly believed that Indian civilisation had really begun with the invasion by the Aryans some time in the second millennium before the present era. We shall discuss a little later how text books were changed but what is more important is once the dates of Mohenjo-Daro and Harappa were confirmed, the beginning of India’s history was pushed back by almost two thousand years. The start of the Harappan civilisation is usually taken as 3300 BC and it lasted till about 1300 BC. Incidentally, these dates are not negotiable as these are not determined by any particular government, though certain groups of   ideologues do often try to tamper with history to suit their own world-views. But history has to be tested like all other sciences on the anvil of truth or empiricism.
            As mentioned, students who studied Indian history even in the late 1950s were not taught about the Harappan civilisation. Though Harappa was first ‘sighted’ in the middle of the 19th century early excavations began much later, in 1921. But it was Mohenjo-Daro’s exciting discovery in 1922 that stole the show at that time. The report of the archeological excavation prepared by Rakhal Das Banerji was accepted by the-then Director General, John Marshall rather late and it took quite some time to factor in the findings from the excavations in both Mohenjo-Daro and Harappa before the ‘Indus Valley’ or ‘Harappan’ civilisation was admitted into Indian history.  I am  fond of collecting  old history  books and reading up what I cannot procure — just to get a feel of what was actually admitted as and believed to history in those decades. I checked up the 1958 edition of the Oxford History of India — a very standard text book for school students that was originally written by Vincent Smith and revised by Percival Spear. Strangely, I found no mention of the Indus Valley or Harappan civilisation, even though it was Mortimer Wheeler who had assisted Spear in updating the facts about ‘early Indian history’. This was extremely interesting because Mortimer Wheeler was certainly more aware than anyone else of the ‘new civilisation’ as he had led the major excavation in Harappa in 1946 as the Director General of the Archeological Survey of India (ASI). It is rather odd, therefore, that he made no mention of the great discovery of the Harappan civilisation as late as 1958. In any case, once it was admitted into the history text books of colleges and universities,  the Indus Valley or Harappan civilisation ranked as the first phase of India’s history and was juxtaposed before the Vedic period as the first chapter in history books.
Mehergarh Precedes Harappan Civilisation
            Returning to the significance of Harappan and the other three civilisations that are referred to as the Copper Age or Chalcolithic ones, we see how the use of copper had distinguished them from the rest of humanity in all other parts of the world. Most of the latter  were in different stages of stone-age technology. All the four great ancient civilisations were also known as hydraulic civilisations as they were dependent on rivers — that they had managed to control and utilise this priceless water resource. The point is, why did this advancement had taken place only in these four areas of the world? Why is it that the Indus Valley was so far  ahead  of Europe? We may use their colonial language on them by saying that the ‘natives’ of Europe were then stuck in a more primitive stage of human growth, i.e., the Neolithic one or in the early Chalcolithic  stages that were characterised by small village and farming communities. They could not even dream of the urban civilisations like Mohenjo-Daro and Harappa and western and northern Europe were still very much in their cave-dwelling and animal-skin existence.
        Be that as it may, in order to understand the Indus Valley civilisation  that began around 3300  B.C.,  we need  to  go  back  by another 3,000 years — to 6500 B.C. which is around 8,500 years from today. Not too many people have heard of the discovery at Mehergarh and there has not been sufficient public discussions on it and nor have history textbooks rooted it firmly in our minds. But  those  who are in the profession of history and archeology are aware of the archeological site called Mehergarh near the Bolan Pass or modern-day Quetta in Baluchistan, in present-day Pakistan. This is regarded as the cradle of Indian civilisation and it was discovered only in 1974 by a group of archeologists under the leadership of a French couple— Jean-Francois and Catherine Jarrige. They worked in two phases and it was only after the second phase that ended in 2000 A.D. could the French exploration team establish that this Mehergarh was indeed the precursor of the great Indus Valley Civilisation. Naturally, books about  Mehergarh  started  coming  up only in the last few years. We  have  to  understand  one  scientific fact — that Stone Age civilisations tended to be located in rocky areas because the main source of strength of man lay in the use of stones or lithos. This is why we refer to them as Palaeolithic, Mesolithic and Neolithic —all lithic ages that were characterised by more and more skilful use of stones. In other words, they avoided river valleys, though they needed some clean water to survive. They tried to stay clear of areas infested with swamps, forests, and high grass where lived rhinoceros and other wild animals. The same mighty river that we came to worship later was then quite a dreaded zone.
            The Bolan Pass is in a rocky region and quite near to Hinglaj, one of the toughest among the Shakta pilgrimages, and from there, the Indus river is not very far away. It is in this Mehergarh region that a group of humans came out of the earlier phase of depending only on  hunting-gathering that required mainly the adroit use of flints, blades and needles, to which their fingers and their brains had developed to a great extent. This is the area in which we find the old lithic civilisations of India transforming into animal herding civilisations. That means that man could escape from his total dependence upon animals he killed, for food, clothing, bone instruments and so on. The Mehergarh animal-herders did not have to kill animals all the time — they had learnt to domesticate many of them. The animal was no more their enemy or prey but their servant. From that animal-rearing pastoral stage, the inhabitants moved on to agriculture and if we are ever asked which is the first spot in the Indian subcontinent from where agriculture began, we can point unhesitatingly to Mehergarh. This culture not only saw the  first  domestication of animals, but it also witnessed the domestication of other crops, almost a thousand years later. It is this ‘cradle’ that reveals the different stages of growth of our ancestors. 
           But what is more important is that it leads us to the next stage—from an isolated agricultural civilisation to a sprawling and wondrous urban civilisation that the ancient world had hardly seen, except in Egypt and Mesopotamia. Mehergarh displays the whole sequence of how this Neolithic settlement began with animal herding, moved on to the early agriculture — the first in the subcontinent of India and subsequently gave birth to the mature urban civilisation of Mohenjo-Daro, Harappa and other towns. Why did it happen? Why it did not happen in Bengal or in other parts? This is the point we need to understand. It is fascinating to go through the evidence of scientific and technological advancements that were made during the journey of history. It began with the hunter-gatherer; it then moved to the animal herder; then to the agriculturist and finally to the urban civilisation along the Indus Valley.

Scientific Advancement in Mehergarh
              One can only imagine what a phenomenal pooling of scientific knowledge and technological innovations must have come together to produce a civilisation like the Harappan, that was essentially urban based was huge — its core area spread over more than a thousand kilometres in length, and its width could vary from three to four hundred to seven or eight hundred kilometres. And to be its precursor, Mehergarh had obviously to reach a very high level of scientific advancement. To give an example, we note how surprised  scientists were to discover evidence of advanced dentistry in the form of eleven drilled molar crowns in nine skeletons that were as old as 8,000 years. It proved that the world’s first proto-dentistry was practised here and a Western scientific journal, Nature, actually declared in its April 2006 issue that Mehergarh was indeed the oldest and the first Neolithic evidence of dentistry in the whole world. This is only the tip of the iceberg. We can deduce from archeological evidence how scientific knowledge had been harnessed in a systematic manner in Mehergarh, and how it had been applied in the technology of other applications in this particular civilisation. We have come across furnaces, ceramics, glazed pottery and sophisticated firing techniques that are as old as 4500 B.C. But we also find that by 3500 B.C., that is to say, exactly  a thousand years  later,  the  quality  of products and the intricacy of designs seemed to have suffered. The reasons were mass production of items and the movement away from stone and stone-earth-based ceramics and from terracotta to metals. This marks the beginning of the metal age. Hence we find technologies here included stone and copper drills, up-draft skills (when the draft is pushed upward to capture the heat near the neck of chimney of large pit-kilns) and copper melting crucibles.

        In Mehergarh there is also evidence of manufacturing activity based on metals, such as artefacts, implements, and items of daily use. It is here that we get two recorded evidence of being the first site in the world to use the metallurgical technique of cire perdue—the lost wax process. Much of our bronze and other casting work in India and in many parts of the world is still done by this ‘lost wax’ method. In Bengal and in central India the Dhokra artists use this technique where the moulds for metal pots are first made on a cast made of earth and plaster material. The designs and carvings that are visualised are all made on it at this stage on the dummy mould.  Then wax is put over the worked-out mould, and then a second layer of earth is put over this wax coating. When finally, hot molten metal is poured into the entire cast through a hole on the top, it just melts away the wax and takes on the space that lies between the outer and inner moulds, both of which are broken once the metal cools. The metal pot that emerges naturally has all the carvings and other design impressions that the wax layer had. This whole process of metal work is called cire perdue in French and adopted in English as the ‘lost wax procedure’. It is one of the world’s oldest metallurgical techniques, and it means a lot as it was first found in Mehergarh. This discovery came from a 6,000-year-old wheel-shaped unalloyed copper amulet. The amulet itself will explain to you how science and superstition had gone hand in hand — as is happening even today. In India, we must have learned to live with both science and superstition from this earliest phase of our history.

How Science & Technology Sustained Harappan Civilisation
              A vast city-based civilisation like the Harappan (3300 - 1300 BCE) that arose out of the achievements of Mehergarh (7000-2500 BCE) has often astounded historians, archeologists, anthropologists and even scientists. In its heydays, this civilisation had a population of over five million inhabitants, which is an astounding number in those days.  Harappan civilisation was actually among the rare ones in the world where scientific techniques were devised as early as 3000 BC to produce intricate hand-crafted carnelian products and seal carvings, in addition to a host of other items of daily use and recreation. Their incidentally, the seals used for trade , decorated with carvings of animals and mythical beings, indicate that Harappan cities conducted thriving trade with lands as far away as Mesopotamia. Indus Valley cities improved upon the  technology of metallurgy of Mehergarh and it is clear that they made extensive use of copper, bronze, lead, and tin. These cities are remarkable for their urban planning, baked brick houses, elaborate drainage systems, water supply systems, and clusters of large non-residential buildings — all of which point to the commendable advancements made in so many sciences. The profusion of toys that was found in the cities and the fact that very few weapons of war are evidence that suggests peace and prosperity. Those who wonder how such a superior urban civilisation as in Harappa suddenly appeared in around  3300  B.C.  need  to understand  that  it was  not  sudden at all as its feeder cultures like Mehergarh were already evolving and moving ahead towards this reality for 3,000 years.

         Recent  studies  have  proved  that  in the Harappan civilisation people were not voracious consumers of rice or wheat like most of the people of India. For a civilisation to have one or more towns or cities meant that all those who dwelt away from agriculture would need to be fed by the rural, agricultural communities. So, town-based civilisations would normally come up only after the arrival of iron, because iron-tipped ploughs were capable of generating surplus food that could then feed non-farm, town-centric people. Until the arrival of iron in the first millennium BC, every person had to play a role in agriculture as wooden tipped ploughs barely produced enough to feed only those who lent their hand in farming operations. The  question  now  is:  how did a Copper Age civilisation feed townsmen as copper could not be put on to the tip of the plough? To produce  agricultural surpluses with Copper-Age technology was surely difficult but the very existence of Mohenjodaro, Harappa,  Lothal  and  other Harappan  towns proves that it was possible. This was done by a combination of diet, agronomic practices, skilful use of water, using cattle to move ploughs and by utilising wheel-based and copper-tipped auxiliary agricultural implements. Recent studies prove that the Harappan people consumed dry staples that they had begun to eat at Mehergarh — like barley, oats, jowar, bajra and other crops that grew with minimal doses of water.

            The surmise we arrive at from this is that their interaction with the mighty Indus river was limited to transportation and not linked to agriculture. The Indus river was always feared for its floods. By choosing dry-zone crops, they were not at the mercy of the river and clearly preferred ‘culturally  accepted’ food that was conditioned during the neolithic and early chalcolithic existence, in a less-fertile dry area. They did have some wheat,  but wheat  was not central  to their diet. It was like our soya. Let us not forget that the Harappan civilisation made extensive use of animals and the toy bullock-carts we find these are an exact replica or prototype of our standard Indian one that we have used for so many millennia. It speaks volumes about the management of water, agronomic inputs, copper, brass and stone implements that they made use of in the pre-iron Copper Age to produce reasonable agricultural surpluses to feed those who did not till the land. These were urban-settled classes like craftsmen, traders, dealers, priests, intellectuals, administrators, soldiers and sailors and, of course, the ‘other thinking classes’ that included scientists and technologists.

             The latter were the ones who devised how loads and buildings were to be built and how water was to to flow in and how waste materials were to drain away. Very few of us know that the world’s first home toilet, commonly known as the commode, was found here in Harappa. It was designed to flush out human refuse scientifically by using gradient and gravity and we wonder what happened to such advanced toilet facilities and habits in later periods of Indian history — when the culture of defecation degenerated in India. In fact, the ancient Indus systems of sewerage and drainage that were developed and used in cities throughout the region were far more advanced than any found in contemporary urban sites in Egypt and Mesopotamia — and this could only happen when science and technology had reached new heights in that age. We hardly refer to these marvels of engineering — while Europeans simply cannot stop going into raptures about the Roman system of aqueducts, that were constructed three thousand years later in the fully-blossomed ‘iron age’.  We hardly ever ponder and discuss how major public buildings like town granaries, massive citadels and public baths were to constructed and maintained in an age when implements and techniques had to be improvised from wood, stone, copper and brass — without the benefit of steel. This class made life more easier by factoring in science into the scheme of things and they were surely rewarded by the Harappans — whose civilisation was so dependent on their towns and in trading activities. The planners, scientists and administrators of Harappan civilisation surely managed to devise perfect systems of food procurement, food management, storage and distribution to survive for two thousand years and more. This is evidenced in the grain storage facilities and the plentiful remains of food that have been found in the houses — which indicates that there was no shortage.

Earliest Instruments to Measure
        However, to excel in trade and commodity management one needs measurement and measuring instruments. Archaeologists have found a series of weights in bundles, not just in one place, but in all the Harappan cities. These weights also had a very perfect similarity between each unit which indicates a rare degree of perfection in applied metrology. The first and accurate measurement scale in the whole world has been found in Lothal of the  Harappan  civilisation. This  first  ‘ruler’ with precise demarcation of linear measurement has been found here and it is dated to 2400 B.C. The smallest division, approximately 1.6 mm, was marked on an ivory scale found in Lothal, a prominent Indus Valley city in the modern Indian state of Gujarat. It stands as the smallest division ever recorded on a Bronze Age scale. In his book,  The  Measure  of  All  Things :  The Story of Man and Measurement published in 2007, Ian Whitelaw, notes that this ruler is divided into units corresponding to 1.32 inches or 33.5 millimetres, and these are marked out in decimal subdivisions with amazing accuracy to within 0.005 of an inch. That means that they had a ‘master ruler’ on the basis of which they could calibrate and compare these markings. Ancient bricks found throughout the region were absolutely uniform in size — which, again, proves the progress of science and technology some five thousand years ago — and their dimensions corresponded exactly to these units of measurement. In fact, it is very interesting that these units match the indigenous Indian unit called angulam. This measure is found not only in Harappa and  Mohenjo-Daro  — it  continued  throughout the history of India in our ‘native architecture’ all the way up to the Islamic period. The angulam as a measure in Indian architecture ended only when the British systems of measurements were thrust on us.

The Vedic Age & Problem of Material Civilisation
            The next historical stage that we will discuss is usually called the Vedic Age that was dominated by the so-called Aryans who spoke Sanskrit and composed the Rig Veda. It is dated from 1500 B.C. to around 600 B.C. and our problem here is to locate the contribution of science and technology. The literary text, the Rig Veda, is surely a superb literary composition though it hardly follows any clear linear path, but it hardly describes the material side of this civilisation. It was composed by a very literate class, possibly for an enlightened group but to consider it as the definitive text that dominated the life of all Indians during the period of nine hundred years of its purported ‘sway’ is difficult to digest. This would require a lot more of historical and scientific proof than we have at present. It did not, for instance, endear itself to the people of India beyond the Punjab region, where the Rig Vedic Aryans were located then. What this means is that most people living in the subcontinent of India neither understood it or really cared about it — but Indian history is fixated on this narrative. As hinted, we are not even sure how many among the cattle-rearing group of so-called Aryans were really capable of understanding a complex oral text or really interested in esoteric philosophy. Besides, what was its corresponding material civilisation and its state of scientific knowledge?
        In any case, historians have raised the point whether it is appropriate  to call the entire period as Vedic as the Aryans definitely constituted a small minority, and their influence  was  geographically  restricted  to just fifteen to twenty per cent of India’s land mass. So how can we attribute the entire historical stage of the whole of the subcontinent to one text or the way of life or world views of one  superior minority as the civilisation of all of India at that time? There are proofs of the existence of several other contemporary civilisations in India many of which were technologically more advanced. These are issues that standard histories do not like to touch as it destabilises the comfortable existing narrative. But there are people like us who just have to raise these disturbing questions. Besides, were the Aryans really invincible? If we take their own evidence stated in the Puranas, we come across stories of how the Rakshasas and Daityas frequently captured Indraloka (the abode of Indra and the gods), and how they drove away the Aryaputras. The mighty Aryans had then to  seek  the  intervention  of some  superior  force — a super god or great goddess. The Puranas also mention of mythical sages like Shukràchàrya, who were the gurus of the anti-Aryan forces and were masters or technology. Sanskrit texts frequently mention that Rakshasas often had weapons and powers that were definitely superior to the ones that the Aryans possessed. These are just apocryphal references to the constant wars between the indigenous people of India who were hopelessly fragmented into small tribes and the better-organised invaders who had iron to slash their defences and the horse to ride over them. 
        While there is no doubt about the superiority of the Sanskrit language and the philosophy that is embedded in the Rig Veda, there are strong doubts about the contribution of the Aryans to the material civilisation of India. In fact, we note a perceptible movement backwards, — from the highly urban civilisation of the Harappans to the rural-pastoral culture of the Aryans. We find it strange that there is no archeological stage in the  history  of  India  that is branded as ‘Aryan’ or ‘Vedic’, even though before and after this phase we get other archeological phases like the Harappan, Mauryan, Kushàna or Sunga that are denoted by the ruling class. The Harappans or Mauryas left their indelible stamps on their material civilisations, through their contribution to art, architecture, pottery, crafts, techniques, colours and many other aspects. We do not get any such or corresponding items that are known to be representing the culture of the Vedic people or the Aryans. We have no Aryan style of art, sculpture or architecture. The main problem with historians and ideologues is that they do not want to come to terms with our real history and declare that there is really very little by way of a material civilisation left behind by the Aryans — because it militates against what they have been taught. We hardly ever raise the issue of degradation in terms of material culture and of science and technology during the Vedic period. We are so dazzled by just one bright text of a small minority that we fail to notice how we moved downwards from a superior world of international commerce of the Harappan phase to we reach a phase when cattle and cow-sheds become the centre of life, and the most important source of wealth. In fact, an entire genealogy is based on cattle or gotra, meaning ‘from the same cowshed’.
Pottery During That Period
            However, archaeologists have categorised two types of pottery found in regions  inhabited  by  the  Aryans  as  BRW and PGW, or Black and Red Ware and Printed  Grey Ware, though they do not directly attribute it to the Aryans. The  first, namely the BRW pottery represents the early Iron Age culture of North India, dated roughly between the 12th and the 9th centuries BC, which overlaps with the Vedic period, ie three to four hundred years after the Aryans appeared in Indian history — when we note how a pastoral civilisation was trying to learn some agriculture as well. When we can admire this ‘journey’ from the cow to the plough, we are actually referring to the second agricultural economy when farming started occupying the centre-stage once again, some four millennia after the story of Indian agriculture began in Mehergarh. These are the fascinating ups and downs of history where we witness how its forward and backward  movements take place among people in the same broad geographical area.

             The  second  type of pottery  of this period is known  as  the PGW (Printed Grey Ware) and it began around the same time, in 12th century. But it appeared in full bloom only after the Aryans and their mixed groups had presumably crossed the Yamuna in large numbers, between the 9th and  6th  centuries  B.C.  The  archeological remains of PGW also indicate the domestication of horse, an animal that is hardly seen in the Indus Valley period, and also to the frequent use of iron. In fact, the Aryan victories  which  ultimately  took  place  was not due to a superior language or not even because they surely had a more organised system of thinking and culture. It was largely because of the use of iron and the horse that simply over-powered the indigenous stone-age or copper-age civilisations of India. It was something similar to the hegemony of the white Americans over the Inca, Aztec and other native civilisations that were inferior in terms of warfare and fire-power. The archeological remains associated with this Painted  Grey  Ware  also indicate domestication and we find that Ahichatra in Bareilly district of U.P. is the most important site that is on the Gangetic plains.

         We must remember that the Gangetic plains were thickly forested and full of rivers and swamps till the middle of the first millennium BC. Historians generally believe that it was during the mature stage of the Iron Age that iron and fire were used to slash and burn through these forests and clear the Ganga-Yamuna region. Romila Thapar calls this slash-and-burn philosophy, when the Aryans moved in from the terai that was less inhabited and then moved downwards. They went along the river, killing or capturing people and animals who inhabited the river and swamp areas. Coming to technology, we must admit that no Copper Age civilisation could have captured the Gangetic belt that was heavily forested. So we had to wait for the arrival of iron which started in 1000 B.C. and reached maturity around 600 B.C. Without iron and without the new lands and people of the Ganga basin that were brought under ‘Aryandom’, there would have been no true Indian civilisation. When I was in Delhi I was fond of saying that India does not begin from either the Khyber Pass or the Bolan Pass or even from the Indus and Punjab. India begins after we cross the Nizamuddin bridge over the Yamuna and enter the Gangetic plains. That is where the crucible of Indian thought and philosophy was developed and from where it spread. The Janapadas or kingdoms that came up in the Gangetic plains dominated the landscape with iron swords and iron weapons. They were actually the result of scientific and metallurgical advancements — when Iron Age Aryans on horseback subjugated the primarily Copper Age culture of the indigenous Indians. It were the defeated indigenous Indians who were called dànavas, ràkshasas, pishàcas, dàsas and so on. Genetic sciences have proved that most Indians have predominantly the blood of the defeated people, with just a dash of so-called ‘Aryan’ genes — which is irrespective of which caste we refer to.

Iron Age Impacts Agriculture & Society
          We had briefly touched upon agriculture in the Copper Age earlier but when the metallurgy of the Iron Age introduced iron-tipped ploughs and implements, agriculture went through a quantum leap. Not only was it possible cultivate more areas and tougher soils with lesser effort, it was also possible to free large parts of the population from agriculture. The greater surpluses that iron ploughs produced could now feed the townsman and the craftsman as well as the ruling class which  dominated all others with soldiers with iron swords, spears, bows and arrows, besides horsemen, policemen and bureaucrats. This ushered in the arrival of monarchical domination through kingdoms and janapadas and led to the rapid breakdown of typical tribal democracy that Aryan cultures had practiced for so many centuries.  This is also the period when we get the stories of tensions developing  between  the  two. When we study mythology we see the same tensions between  the free people who lived  in the  hills,  and  the new  ràjàs  who lived in the plains. Daksha-Yagna is a very typical such story where we come across the tension between a free man of the hills represented by Shiva taking on the might of several Gangetic monarchies and combative ràjàs who possessed superior arms. In fact, both Buddha and Mahavira were born in hill republics and preached its greater egalitarian spirit among the hierarchical population of the plains kingdoms.
             That reminds us that iron-tipped ploughs  freed   large   parts   of the population from the boredom of agriculture and led to speculation. In other words, the same agricultural surplus produced in the Iron Age also fed the speculators of thoughts and ideas, called the philosophers. We find that it was in and around the sixth century when the use of iron reached a certain maturity, the world got all its philosophers — Lao Tse, Confucius, Gautam Buddha, Ahura Mazda, Abraham, and Mahàvira. History that we are usually taught in educational institutions does not give adequate emphasis on such linkages and tell us how scientific developments changed the very faith of people at periodic intervals. We just have to look beyond the Ràjàs, Rishis, Munis, Aryans, Danavas and their wars and conquests to go to the root technology that made it all possible.

Technology of Zinc, Brass & Steel
                Before we come to the last phase of our examination of the role of science in shaping history we need to take a little detour in the technology of zinc that developed in settlements in India in the late Vedic period. Brass, as we all know, is an attractive golden coloured alloy of copper and zinc and it is more ductile and strong. It has better resistance to corrosion and is a very useful metal. A team of scientists from the British Museum and the Baroda University unearthed the first use of zinc and the early technique of zinc smelting at the old Zawar in Udaipur, Rajasthan. I must pause for a second here, because I have not mentioned the oldest and richest settlement of copper in India. The rulers of Khetri had drawn their sustenance from this copper for several centuries and it was one such ruler who had helped Swami Vivekananda attend the World Parliament of Religions in Chicago in 1893. Zawar is famous not only for its monopoly of excellent zinc ore, it is  also considered to be the oldest site of industrial  zinc production  of the whole world. During the process, zinc ore was roasted in smaller-sized retorts which prevented the production of typical slag, which made extraction more efficient and economic. These are some examples of the indigenous processes that developed in India at that point of time.
                   Good quality brass alloys require more than 28 percent zinc in them but in most parts of the ancient world we come across brass or other alloys with less than twenty-eight per cent of zinc. In India, however, we come across better quality brass and the one we come across in Takshashilà, dated around third century  B.C contains as high as 34.34 per cent  of zinc — which is far more  superior brass. Recently, two brass bangles belonging to the Kushàna period have been discovered in Uttar Pradesh which revealed thirty-five per cent zinc of exceptional quality. In ancient India production of zinc metal was common, and the process of producing metallic zinc had been described in several ancient Sanskrit works. We also knew the use of zinc oxide in medicines and we come across references to zinc oxide use in those prescribed in the Charaka Samhità. So the mastery of zinc was another factor in our favour but how much of it came to good use in warfare remains questionable.
                In the South, we get solid evidence of the earliest production of high carbon steel in the whole of the Indian sub-continent. These sites were at Kodumanal in Tamil Nadu, at  Golconda  in  Telangana  and  nearby north-eastern Karnataka, and in northern Sri Lanka. This came to be known as Ooty steel of South India and by the 6th century B.C. it exported globally. But the fact that Tamil Sangam poetry mentions that the South had knowledge of exceptional  steel  technology long before the fourth century BC could not prevent it from being defeated by the Mauryas. This is being underlined to also explain that history is not always decided by scientific and technological advances. We come across references in Arabic and Latin literature to the people of South Indian people as the finest steel-makers in the world. This steel was exported to the Romans and the Arabs called it Damascus steel. We need to cross 1000 degree Centigrade temperature while heating  iron and alloys to get steel — which was very difficult with the quality of coal that was available and the design of furnaces. Therefore, bellows were used to raise temperature and the bigger the bellow and smaller the furnace, the higher would be the temperature. In the fifth century, we find the Chinese and local Sri Lankans had mastered the art. Incidentally, Sri Lankans used the monsoon winds and their steel furnaces were driven by very high wind speeds during the monsoon period.

Strength of Mauryas Lay in Iron & Coal
                Now we come to the last part of our discussion where we try to explain why Pataliputra, the modern-day Patna, could dominate India in the 4th century BC and bring almost all of it under the first pan-Indian empire of the Mauryas. DD Kosambi has explained that the eastward thrust of Indian civilisation was successful because it could access the best ores and good quality of coal. In very simplistic terms, it was the Mauryan control  of  two  critical  resources,  iron  ore and coal, that made it possible for it to forge superior steel weapons and implements — with which it dominated the sub continent. As we know, almost  all the best coal reserves  in India are in the Manbhum-Singhbhum-Raniganj areas, and all the steel plants that came up in India initially (except Salem) are in this area— Bokaro, Bhilai Rourkela, Asansol, Kulti, Durgapur. Why? Because we have both coal and iron ore. It is due to the same mastery over coal and iron that helped Pataliputra under the Mauryas to become so strong and invincible. But, as touched upon, a major power required not only the best of resources and scientific achievements — it also needed organisation and leadership. Chandragupta Maurya had the benefit of the intelligence of Chanakya, who could capitalise on the technology of mining and steel-making. It is said that Chanakya actually came from  Kànchipuram in Tamil country, who travelled all the way to Takshashilà in the extreme North West to study and teach and then moved to Pataliputra in the East for his career. His text, the   Arthashàstra, laid down the basis of the first great empire in India. Its twelfth chapter deals extensively with mines and metallurgy. He declares that the Superintendents of metallurgy had to be proficient in geometry, geology, metallurgy and smelting of gems as well. One of the tasks of the Mines department was to locate new mines with ore-bearing earth, rocks and liquids, which proves beyond doubt that not only had Chanakya exceptional knowledge of mining and metallurgy but also that the Mauryan empire was making good use of science and technology. 
               In his new book called  Arthashàstra : The  Science of Wealth, Thomas Trautmann explains how scientific discoveries and technologies were used to strengthen the kingdom. He states that the treasury had its source in the mines. From the treasury, the army came into being, and with the treasury and the army, the world was subjugated. Trautmann further points out that discussions of economic topography in the Arthashàstra connect trade with routes and not market places. A close reading reveals that trade is thought in terms of transporting goods from workshops to the buyers, not inter-city trading. That was centralisation in the style of the erstwhile Soviet state. The Mauryas exploited their advantages and reached a stage when they could control everything. In fact, Asoka’s devastating Kalinga war is attributed to shortage  of  raw  materials  such  as  surface coal and iron. The richest ores were then available in the Kalinga region and Ashoka just had to go there because he had to get his supplies.                      
In Conclusion
         We have gone over a fairly long talk and what irks me the most in history is that it is so firmly rooted in agreed narratives and approved texts. Conventional history focuses on what is proved beyond doubt and is thus acceptable as material for standard textbooks and reference books. They hardly link the text to the context and are tied down to hard records and evidence, thereby often limiting their perspective. Since I am not a teacher of history, just a perennially curious student, i have the liberty of staying away from safe histories. Instead I have always been impressed with D. D. Kosambi’s approach to studying history, which gives as much importance to the context as it does to the text. He has left behind a wealth of information on the material view of history and has also been bold enough to deal with popular beliefs, myths, legends and superstitions. He was one who was not content to just narrate the history of the the eastward surge of the Aryans in terms of dates and events, but explained it in terms of the necessity to access India’s finest natural ore deposits that lay in the east Gangetic plains. The east became the centre of two of the greatest empires of India, the Mauryas and the Guptas, because it had excellent copper, iron and coal. We need to take a look at history from such points of views. I will refer to a  statement made by Dr Kosambi where he remarked that Magadha’s  great  source  of  power  was  not only in its resources but also in the formation of a state. He called it “a state that used metals systematically to clear the land and to bring it under the plough. It was also iron that allowed it to dominate the rest of India.”
          I wish to point out that the way we are taught history in schools and colleges needs to be changed to make it more interesting. We need to understand not only what has actually happened which, of course, has to be factually correct, but what were the reasons that made them happen. Because the inquisitive minds of students at that stage would like to know why is it that ‘X’ happened and why ‘Y’ won over ‘Z’, not just the fact that ‘Y’ won over ‘Z’ in such-and-such battle in so-and-so year. Historians have a wealth of knowledge at their disposal and can surely connect the dots. They are capable of the “big, grand, narrative”, the “panoramic view from above” but professional compulsions drive them to swim near the shallow banks of rivers and not be too adventurous in stating what they believe could well have happened but they are unable to lay their hands on hard evidence. We may or may not accept that economics necessarily determines human history, but none can deny that developments in material civilisation, which arises from consciousness of resources and their harnessing through advancements in science and technology do dominate society and its values. We need to see the science that lies hidden behind history.



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