Friday, 21 April 2017

The God of the Bengali Peasant



The God of the Bengali Peasant
Jawhar Sircar, April, 2017

  
The unprecedented display of aggression that we witnessed in Bengal in April, all in the name of Rama Navami, has perhaps distracted attention of Bengalis who almost forgot their good old traditional deities of Chaitra. This month, from mid-March to mid-April, has always belonged to Shiva, Shitala, Annapurana or Basanti and the very indigenous Dharma-Thakur. Bengalis were very clear that Durga came home only in Ashwin and reserved ten full holidays to rejoice in her name. What lent most colour to this month was Gajan, which is so similar to Taai-pusam in Tamil country. Throughout the month, several people dressed up as Shiva-Parvati, and wandered around streets and localities: singing, dancing and invoking Mahadev. It was the Bengali way of taking a religion to the streets, with devotion and pantomime, not with swords and threats.

  From the reports of 19th century British and Indian ethnographers, we read a lot about Rama Navami being celebrated in north India, and also from other pockets, but do not find any mention of it in Bengal. There are countless mahallas or localities in the State that proudly carry the names of so many deities, Manasa, Shasti, Chandi, Dhrama-thakur, Shitala: all of who are fromthe pre-Brahmanised indigenous pantheon. We even come across many named after Jagannath's Rathas, but we hardly ever come across Hanuman-localities or too many medeival Rama-mandirs. Exceptions do exist, like the Ramarajatala Rama Mandir of Howrah but they are very few, and even this temple was set up by a north Indian family.

       In any case, we need to be very clear that there is a big difference in celebrating Durga's victory and the nine days leading to Rama's birth. The two traditions are quite distinct and they cross each other primarily at the junction of Akal Bodhan in Ashwin.This was when Rama is said to have prayed to Durga for her blessings: the twain do come face to face briefly, but say goodbye to each other immediately thereafter. While most Indians observe the Ashwin Navaratri and Dussherain the name of Lord Rama, Bengalis do not worship it in Rama's name: they pray to Durga, Durga and only Durga. Bengalis have this strange trait of choosing to differ in every possible domain. In politics, for instance, they have created a Guinness record by electing those parties to power for forty long years, who were invariably opposed to those who assumed power at the Centre. Even, when all Indians actually "go and fly kites" on Makar Sankranti day in mid-January, no self respecting Bengali would ever do so, even with woollen mufflers and caps that would do justice in the North Pole. So, the congenitally different Bengalis fly kites in September in honour of their variant of Vishwakarma, a post-industrial god of machinery. And they fly kites with the full gusto of football matches, as if East Bengal and Mohun Bagan were fighting with little flimsy coloured paper, high in the skies. We shall soon see more such 'differences'.

    At this juncture, let us remember that the Ramayana was not the property of any particular region or language. In fact, the Tamils were the first to celebrate it in their own style and profusion of emotional expressions, with their Kamba-Ramayanam that was created in the 12th century, full four hundred years before Tulsidas's Ramcharitmanas swept the Ganga-Yamuna belt. There are other versionsthatalso precede Tulsidas's poem, like the Telugu SriRanganathaRamayanam, the Assamese KothaRamayanaand even a JainaRamayana in Kannada. These regional traditions underline the beautiful plurality of India and are excellent examples of our 'unity in diversity'. They combine, quite adroitly, local cultural preferences and legends within a broad national framework that was initiated by the Sanskrit Ramayana: and none of them was more 'national' than the other.Tulsidas's Ramcharitamanas of the 16th century was not in Hindi, but in the very sweet Avadhi dialect and it became immensely popular among the masses in the north. This created an ambience for "Rama worship to be very widespread in north India and the places associated with his life (became) great places of pilgrimage, while his birthday is a day of great rejoicing". As this report of 1921 reveals, the East and the North East may have missed out on the Rama Navami tradition of fasting and reciting sacred texts, perhaps because Ramchandra did not pass through their lands.

      It is time now to return to our theme on what exactly did the Bengalis worship in Chaitra. Well, it was Shiva and not Rama who loomed larger than life here, for it was primarily his month. But this Shiva was not the all powerful and often-fearsome Rudra of Kailash. This Shiva who ruled Bengalwas a very peasantised mutant: a jolly, ganja-loving, pot-bellied,playful leader of mischievous ganas. From medieval Bengali literature, the Mangal Kavyas folk ballads, that were so popular between the 15th and the 17th centuries, we find that the 'high god' version Shiva was repeatedly losing out to the 'ugly' indigenous deities at the box offices of religion in Bengal. It was only when Shiva discarded his regal demeanour and transformed himself into a poor rice-cultivating peasant did he win the votesof the masses in Bengal. People simply loved his mingling with the common distressed folk, dressed in a tattered gamchha, who is chased around with a jhaaru quite often byan exasperated Durga. It is the same Bengal that lionised the farmers ofSingur who shooed away the mighty Tatas, and even punished their own indulgent Communist comrades after three long decades, for even dreaming of re-industrialisation! By the way, the Bengali Durga is quite also different, as nowhere else in India does she appear with her full family: even though one wonders why all her children look the other way as she fights the terrible Mahishasura.

        Let us now return to the other folk deities that the Bengalis have worshipped for centuriesin the month of Chaitra. From John Murdoch's well-known Hindu and Muhammedan Festivals of 1904 we learn that Basanti was worshipped in Bengal from the 7th day of Chaitra Shukla Paksha and that "this yellow goddess was the third of the seven Shitala sisters invoked during dreadful diseases". She was sanskritised later as 'Durga' and worshipped in Chaitra, but as the report says, her celebration was "not with such pomp and universality" as the 'real Durga' of autumn. Incidentally, people invoked another goddess, Shasthi, on the 12th of Chaitra that was known asA-shoka Shasthi, the sixth lunar day that drives away shoka or bereavement. This poor goddess lost her popularity quite a bit once better medical care ensured greater chances of infants surviving that dreaded 'post-natal mortality' phase.The local goddess of small-pox Shitala's ratings also dipped as this terrible disease has been eradicated. And then came family planning that propagated the two-child norm while hard economics ensured that one single child became the rule. Being Bengalis, these poor kids are trained rigorously from birth to stand first in everything, from studies to music, but avoid physical stress like the plague. Unlike the south, where one Mariamman takes care of several diseases like a 'general physician', finicky Bengalis require a whole pantheon of choices of deities who were like mono-ailment specialists, much like the annoying narrow expertise that modern doctors flaunt.

But the most popular ancient folk god of westernBengal was Dharma-thakur and his name is an obviously sanskritised one. It was he who reigned supreme during Chaitra, before being  unseated by a more strategic Shiva. Their inter serelations are rather complex and difficult to understand. Let us remember, Brahmanism in Bengal had really an uphill task for several centuries as did the in most of India that lies beyond 'Aryavart'. Vedic gods were hardly known in this State except in pandit-sabhas and the Puranic deities that Brahmans introduced could not stop Buddhism from ruling Bengal for four centuries, at the time of the Palas. Their repertoire was just not attractive enough to compete with the charismatic Pirs who came up after Islam stepped in. We need to recall that ultimately two-thirds of the Bengali-speaking people voted for Islam. As hinted, the mighty Shiva and his wife were continuously beaten in the game of one-upmanship by Dharma-Thakur as well as by the local snake deity, Manasa. The medieval ballads of Kalketu and Phullara actually represented the rise of the darker people, the hunters and herdsmen who turned to farming, blessed as they were by another Bengali folk goddess Chondi. This autochthonous deity took care to retain her original name through a prefix like Betai, Pagla, Shibai, Khyepa, Olai, etc, to distinguish herself from the Brahmanical Chandi.Dharma or Dhammaraj ensured that his devotee, the local folk hero, defeated a mighty chieftain, who had made the mistake of choosing an 'up-country' goddess.

When learned Brahmans could not win over the masses with their Sanskrit Puranas and later the Upa-Puranas,it were the rural purohits took up the challenge as it was their livlihood that was at stake. They simply switched deities and started singing in praise of local gods and goddesses. Medieval Bangla literature reveals that almost all kavis were from the upper castes. As they absorbed "the gods of small men", the worship of 'crude stones' and sacred groves was considered as legitimate as praying to Brahmanic images in temples. Incidentally, the tradition of placing terracotta hathi-ghora under trees, as mannat, can be traced through the entire Deccan right upto the East, which thus represents a common cultural sub-strata. It was often retained by many who took to Islam: as their 'the horse of the Pir saheb'.

Before concluding, we need to unravel how the 'peasant god' could make this break-through in Bengal with a new brand of mass-level Shaivism. Before this, the Go-kshetrainspiredNaths of the Gorakshanathculthad tried with their Yogis and mendicants, but could not win. It is fascinating to note that the main intersection in Calcutta is still between Chowringhee road, named after a Nath-guru, and Dharma-tala where the ancient shrine of Dhrama-thakur stood. It was later shifted to a site a kilometre away. The Bom-Bhola Shiva did the trick in Bengal by subsuming large doses of the autochthonous Dharma cult. For instance, the popular folk rituals of Dharma, including the festival of Gajan and the ritual of Charak were associated with Dharma. Peasants carried out these rites during blazing summer as prayers to the sun: to move on and crack the clayey earth with so well that the plough and its accompaniments could break down the soil with lesser effort. Ralph Nicholas of Chicago U, who spent many years on folk gods in Medinipur, was among the earliest to notice the striking similarities in the worship and rituals of the earlier Dharma deity and the peasant Shiva. The main attraction for the crowds at the Charak ritualwas to see how devotees swung high in the air with ropes that had big hooks inserted into their backs. Though this was officially banned for a century, some of Dharma's worshippers and Shiva's still risk the law and their lives, in the name of god. The rites of self torture are still quite gruesome, as devotees push sharp big needles into their tongues, cheeks and bodies or rollover thick prickly bushes or dancing on burning flames and red-hot coals for never-ending periods.

But, all said and done, the tradition was, and is, to inflict a lot of pain but on their own bodies. They did not bring out weapons to intimidate others, for none will believe that Bhagawan Ramachandra ever did so. 
 `
(Published in 'The Wire' on 21st April, 2017) 



Krishna's Long Journey : From Sacred Text to the Popular Arts

Krishna's Long Journey : 

From Sacred Text to the Popular Arts 


Please Click Here for the PDF Article

Friday, 25 September 2015

Id-ul-Zuha: The Festival of Sacrifice



Id-ul-Zuha: The Festival of Sacrifice
Jawhar Sircar

        The festival of Id-ul-Zuha, also known as Eid-al-Adha falls on the 10th day of the month Zul-Hajj and goes up to four days. It finds mention in the fifth chapter or Surah of the Holy Quran and it coincides with the descent of Hajj pilgrims from Mount Arafat, the hill east of Mecca. In Persian, it goes by the name Eyd-e-Ghorban; in Turkish as Kurban Bayrami; in the Balkans as Kurban Bajram; in Mandarin Chinese it is Guerbang Jie and the Malaysians and Indonesians call it Hari Raya Korban, while in Bengali it is  Korbanir Eid.
Namaz is offered at the Eid congregations before taking breakfast and the Sunnah prayers are followed by the Khutbah or sermon, after which the sacrifice takes place. Different local cultures may practice some variations within the broad structure of Islam like Quranic recitation contests that are held in a small place called Tabergen in Indonesia, when the Takbir, or the proclamation of God’s greetings is tried out in every permissible manner, right from dawn.
        Bakr-id often conjures an image of slaughter of numerous goats, camels, cattle and other animals  but it is worth studying why 150 crore Muslims, which is roughly one fourth of the human race, engage in this sacrifice with so much passion and devotion. Large-scale slaughter of animals is not a prerogative of any one religion and such customs exist elsewhere as well.  At the Gadaimai celebrations in Nepal, some 3 to 5 lakh buffalos are reportedly hacked to death in an open field.
But let us leave blood aside and get to the original legend that centres on Prophet Abraham or Ibrahim, who is at the root of three major religions of the world: Judaism, Christianity and Islam. He is universally respected by all three and on this day, Ibrahim was ready to perform the greatest act of devotion that a human can ever be called to. He was to sacrifice his own son at the altar, as the Lord had commanded him. Muslims believe that this was son Ismail, while Jews and Christians insist that he was Isaac or Ishaq. The Quran also mentions Ismail’[s own devotion and conviction, as he begged Ibrahim to uphold God’s order and to cover his eyes so that his hands did not tremble. But when Abraham removed his blindfold, he saw a ram had taken the place of his son, who was alive, thanks to divine intervention.
        This total devotion is at the core of the sacrifice and Muslims believe the animal is destined for such a religious task. It is chosen with a lot of care, so that it is free from every defect and even in 1917, CH Buck noted that "there is considerable sale of the sacrificial animals on the evening before the festival". It is treated with care, almost like a member of the family. Abdellah Hammoudi, who camped among villagers in Morocco, recalled the love with which rural women lined the eyes of the sacrificial animal with Kohl, as part of a folk ritual. Muslims emphasise on the importance of sparing the victim undue anxiety and that the sacrificer keeps his knife away until the chosen moment.  The animal faces the holy Kaba and prayers are read out in the name of the almighty. The knife is wielded strictly in consonance with the rites of halal.  
          It is more meritorious for the sacrificer to carry out the zabah himself or he should at least recite the sacrificial prayers. This induces a strong involvement and the strengthening of one’s mind, body and resolve as part of religion. Eid-al-Adha  has often been used by rulers to reinforce their own legitimacy and emperors from Aurangzeb to the Shah of Iran have participated directely in the zabah in public squares.  The rulers of Morocco, for instance, use it to publicly reaffirm their claim to be the direct descendants of the Prophet Mohammad. Millions of living creatures are slaughtered every day at abattoirs all over the world, but those who partake of their flesh do not sully their hands with blood or even witness the reality of slaughter.
Surah 22, Verse 37 of the Holy Quran mentions that it is “neither their flesh nor their blood (that) reach God, but it is piety that reaches Him”. The substitution of a human by an animal is loaded with multiple meanings and John Bowen, Anthropologist of Islam says that “it is clear that in some cultures, the victim represents a person sacrificing an animal and its flesh stands for his flesh”.
There are several Muslims who are vegetarian and animal sacrifice is not an imposition on every person. Islam follows a very strict form of “redistributive justice” and that ensures compulsory charity, the zakaat. The sacrificial meat is, therefore, not meant for personal consumption and at least a third of it is given to the poor and needy. “The skin of the sacrificed animal can also be donated in the name of God", comments Dr Majida Azad, "or else it may be sold and the proceeds distributed amongst those who are eligible for Zakat”.
A century ago, Jaffer Sharif mentioned in his book Islam in India that only those who had spare animals or a certain degree of affluence were commanded to perform this sacrifice, for the greater benefit of society. Sharif said that “only quadrupeds and only those whose meat is lawful food may be sacrificed”, but researchers have found that in poorer parts of the east, even ducks and chickens were sacrificed and shared. Muslims believe that only the righteous can cross over to heaven on the Pul-sirat, the Bridge of Death, and Eid sacrifices mattered a lot.  This bridge is finer than a hair and sharper than the edge of a sword and others would fall off it to open jaws of hell.
British commentators in 19th century India observed that often "seven persons jointly sacrificed" an animal as "they believed these animals would quickly travel over the Pul-sirat.”  An illiterate villager of Malaysia put it so succinctly when he said: “only one person can ride a goat or sheep (to heaven), but seven can ride on a buffalo”.

Saturday, 25 July 2015

Ratha Yatra


Ratha Yatra
Jawhar Sircar, July 2015


        There was a hue and cry in 1948 when Harekrishna Mahtab declared that the Jagannath cult originated from Buddhism.  Rajendralal Mitra had said so earlier and British scholars and historians like Hunter, Cunningham, Monier-Williams had also advocated this theory.  But historians on the other side had equally strong arguments and issue was finally settled, stating that the “cult did not originate from Buddhism but was subjected to profound Buddhist influence later”.  Historian Kedar Nath Mahapatra added that the Jaina Tri Ratna had influenced the three gods in Puri, while the Triguna chapter of the Gita is said to be personified through Jagannath, Balabhadra and Subhadra.
        This is not the first time that Jagannath had excited speculation.  In 1633, Willion Bruton, the first Englishman to visit Puri, declared that it was “the mirror of wickedness and idolatry”, thus beginning the European tirade against the deity.  Even in 1900, W.J. Wilkins condemned Ratha Yatra as a “disgusting and demoralizing exhibition” and in English, the word ‘juggernaut’ means merciless, unstoppable, destructive force.  Some foolish Europeans mistook the scramble of huge crowds to touch the chariot’s holy rope to be “mass-scale suicide” under the wheels.  In the 1970s and 1980s, Heidelberg University dedicated several German scholars to study the cult and publishes interesting works on this tradition, which explains it better.
        This worship attracts extreme attention because it one of the most vibrant ones in India, with countless passionate followers. It represents a rare instance of a tribal deity being directly and consciously elevated to the highest echelons of the Hindu pantheon, rather than enter it though the usual long stage-by-stage absorption. It is generally accepted that this cult arose from the Savara or Saura tribes who worshiped wooden stumps with no human features (manab-akriti), though some say the Konds are actually the original worshippers. Even today, one comes across special non-Brahman priests of Jagannath called Daita and Soaro, who claim to be the descendants of the Savaras. Several fascinating origin tales speak of Raja Indradyumna, the blue mountains Nilakandar and Lord Nilamadhaba.

        The idols of Jagganath and his two companions do not pretend to be ageless antiquities like many others do, because everyone knows that the neem stumps are changed every 10 to 20 years, through the ornate Nabakalebara ritual.  It literally means leaving the old body and consecration of new one and this is a special year of the double Ashadh months for Nabakalebara to be celebrated.  The elaborate ritual of searching for the holy tree started quite early and was conducted by a large team consisting of different types of priests and 30 police officers led by 2 inspectors.  The tree was located and a yagna performed, after which it was felled and carted to the temple.  Traditional hereditary sculptors work in secret for 21 days and nights and the old idols are buried in secret again.  Hindus worship gods in both human form and through non-human representations like the Shiva-linga, but Jagannath stands somewhere half way.  Though tribal worshipers did not insist on it, later Hindu traditions carved two outstretched arms so as to lend some human touch and the huge eyes, are of course, painted on the logs.


        One of the reasons for the immense popularity of the cult is its democratic nature as it is a rare exception, as temples do not permit the original deities to be taken out of the sanctum-sanctorum (garbha-griha). Most temples therefore carry only iconic representations called the utsavamurti in public processions. The idols of Jagannath, Balabhadra and Subhadra are, however, mounted on extravagantly decorated chariots and taken out on the second day in the bright fortnight of Ashadh. They go some two kilometres away to the Gundicha temple, stopping on the way at their 'aunt' for Jagannath's favourite Poda Pithaa. Most religious acts and rituals re-enact historic agreements between different socio-economic groups and these halts and the return journey a week later appear very interesting to researchers. Jagannath's open processionstrengthens mass participation, irrespective of caste and class right from the medieval period, making it rather unusual for inegalitarian Hinduism. The three Rathas are constructed afresh every year from the wood of special trees brought all the way from Dasapalla, a former kingdom, where the logs set afloat on the Mahanadi and collected at Puri, to be crafted by hereditary carpenters.  Every part of the exercise is planned and executed in such an elaborate mannerthat it defies the normal ad hoc nature of Indians.

        It is believed that Adi Sankaracharya set up the four centres or Dhams of Hinduism, among which one was in Puri, while the Vaishnavite saint Acharya Ramanuja set up a Matha there in the 12th century. The temple chronicles of Puri, the Madala-panji, say that Raja Ananga Bhima of the Eastern Gangas constructed the existing temple in the first half of the 13th century.  But the Dasgopas inscription mentions that it was Choda-ganga who set it up two centuries before. The German scholars state that Yayati I started the temple even one century before this, which heightens the mystery.  The early inscriptions refer to the deity as Purushottam and he must have taken at least a couple of centuries to get fully absorbed into Hinduism and bring his two companions into the temple.

          The Purushotham-Kshetra Mahatmya has interesting stories of  Vidyapati meeting the chief of the Savaras for a glimpse of the original deity, Neelamadhava.  The exact dates in history notwithstanding, there is no doubt that the Jagannath cult was responsible in uniting the Odiya people of all classes to one common worship, right from the 13th century. Thishardly happened anywhere else in India, as caste and class still dominate and it explains why Odisha could offer united resistance to successive invasions by Turkis and Pathans for almost four centuries after Bengal's Sen rulers had collapsed.

          In Bengal there were many like Sri Chaitanya who looked up to Jagannath as a fountain of inspiration. Priests from Puri visited several homes here for centuries singing praises of Puri Dham and successive generations of Bengalis made this pilgrimage a must. Ratha Yatras were copied in south Bengal and the one at Mahesh is said to be six centuries old, while those at Guptipara and Jangipara are really crowded and colourful. The ratha at Mahisadal is welcomed with gunshots and innumerable places in this state have their own Ratha-talas, where towering wooden platforms are parked throughout the year.  Ratha Yatras and colourful Ratha Melas go together, as piety and commerce combine with a lot of fun and oily papads and piyajees to lift the spirits, even as it heavens pour on us. 

At the end, we must remember that it is neither wood nor stone that determine the phenomenal popularity of any worship, but it is its universal appeal and exceptional traits that really stand the test of several millennia and thrive. 

  (English Version of Bengali Article Published in Ananda Bazar Patrika on 26th July,2015)

Thursday, 2 July 2015

Why We Celebrate Makar Sankranti : Makar Sankranti: An Interpretation

   
India's Many Sankranti Festivals
                             Jawhar Sircar

Edited version was published in Bengali in the Ananda Bazar Patrika, Kolkata

12 January , 2015

            We talk a lot about India's 'unity in diversity', a phrase that was popularised by Jawaharlal Nehru to describe the complex state of equilibrium between the Indian nation and its many linguistic, religious or even cultural constituents. Most of us do not seek any further proof of this concept, but if we do want to look for evidence, all one has to do is to observe any one of the many pan-Indian celebrations. They do retain a lot of their own historic regional differences and yet converge on a fixed date or period in tandem with the rest of India. Our new year, for instance, is not celebrated on one common day but on a range of dates that are usually in mid-April, around the first day of Vaisakh, though the official Saka calendar begins almost one month before. To gather  evidence for these phenomena, one has literally to struggle with sparse nuggets of facts that our religious history and folklore weave in through tales. The rest has to be gleaned through anthropological analysis of tales that have to be considered more as 'allegorical' than factual. These 'united festivals of diverse Indians' come full out in play not only during Holi and Diwali, or in Navaratri and the Durga Pujas, but also in many other pan-Indian festivals.
        Makar Sankranti is one such festival that offers a good case study of this phenomenon of unity in diversity and it is held normally on the 14th of January, or a day before or after. In most states it is a one day celebration, but in certain regions it can go on for even four days and vary a lot in the rituals. It is called Paush Sankranti in Bengal, Pongal in Tamil Nadu, Uttarayan in Gujarat, Bhogali Bihu in Assam, Lohri in Punjab and Jammu, but it is also known as Maghi in that state as well as in adjoining Haryana and Himachal. It is Makara Sankramana in Karnataka and Saen-kraat in Kashmir. It goes by its standard all-India name, Makara Sankranti  in Odisha, Maharashtra-Goa, Andhra-Telengana, Kerala and the rest of north India, but it co-exists with local names like Sukaraat in Madhya Pradesh or Khichdi Parwa in parts of Bihar, Jharkhand and Uttar Pradesh. It is not that Hindu celebrations enjoy such variety only in India: they are equally diverse in other countries that were influenced by the Hindu religion. In Nepal it is Maghe Sankranti, in Thailand it becomes Songkran, in Cambodia the event is Moha Sangkran, in Myanmar it is Thingyan and in Laos it is celebrated as Pi Ma Lo.
             But why was this date important? Its astrological significance is that the sun enters Capricorn (Makara) zodiac constellation and the 14th of January has remained constant in the Gregorian calendar for several decades, though a thousand years ago this astrological event was on the 31st December. In the next thousand years or so, the date would shift to February, so even the more reliable Gregorian solar calendar also moves its dates around though not as rapidly as the lunar calendar that determines the Muslim festivals and many Hindu celebrations as well. Makar Sankranti ends the inauspicious phase of the preceding month that is called called Paush in many parts of India,i.e., from mid-December to mid-January. Traditionally and scientifically, it is said to mark beginning of the end of biting winter. The celebration of the northward journey of the sun, Uttarayan, is marked with more gaiety in colder countries that lie north of India and the winter solstice of 22nd or 23rd of December is indeed a very big day. People in western civilisations believed that the worst was over with this solstice and it is this pre-Christian Yuletide festival that was absorbed by the Church, to be celebrated as Christmas!
             Let us take a look at our variety with which this Sankranti is observed all over India. We may begin with Tamil Nadu, where it comes with a lot of fervour, starting from the last day of our Paush to the third day of the next month that they call Thai. Telegus also celebrate it over four days, though most other regions prefer just one or two days. On the first day, the Tamils light a bonfire, which reminds of the Lohri celebrations in Punjab, and old clothes and rejected household materials are thrown into it. The idea is both to destroy the outgoing and prepare for the new, as well as to reduce the stuff that cluttered our homes, that were traditionally rather small. The next day, new fried rice and moong-dal are boiled in milk and jaggery, until the milk and rice actually spilled over. This is exactly the auspicious sign that the household was waiting eagerly to see and once the burning smell fills the air, families break out into congratulatory celebrations. It is greeted with cheers of "Ponggalo Pongal" and with the blowing of many conch shells.  It is interesting to see how the two primary objects of pan-Indian celebrations, sugar cane and sesame are 'superseded' by rice and milk in Tamil Nadu, though these are also present. This state gets two rainy seasons and Pongal marks the harvest of paddy that the South-Eastern monsoon has gifted it, rather specially. Thus, it is a harvest celebration for three crops: paddy, sugar-cane and sesame, with paddy getting primacy over the other two.
      But what have sugar-cane and sesame to do with religion? Plenty: because these two crops lie at the very root and are the reason for observing the Sankranti celebrations. This is where analysis takes over, to explain that numerous religious events do not centre on some archaic superstition but are actually celebrations of man's covenant with his eco system. It took centuries to arrive at dates or periods as humans realised that certain times of the year herald specific solutions to their eternal problems and insecurities. Every householder knew throughout the ages that there were four essentials that his kitchen required to cook decent meals, and this applied to every culture or nation. These four fairly-common but essential items that one required, other than cereals, vegetables, protein-foods and fuel, were salt, sugar, oil and spices or flavouring agents. Salt and pepper were indeed very critical to European civilisation that just had to have them to in preserve their precious meat and add some taste as without these they could hardly survive through the dark, long winters. European nations undertook, therefore, both trade and conquests to grab salt and spices. This quest were responsible for Europe's perennial wars with various West Asian people, before Islam or after it, which gained momentum through the bloody Crusades. It also led to the exciting race for discovering a sea route to India that was finally won by Vasco da Gama, and Christopher Columbus discovering the Americas, in a fit of serendipity. They are expressions of their sheer desperation for salt, pepper and other spices. This is not to belittle the importance of items like cotton and silk, that surely mattered, but our focus here is on salt and spices. No self respecting dining table in the West or in cultures influenced by the West can afford to do without salt and pepper: maybe just for comfort or as symbols of their historical triumph for these two taste enhancers.
         Where India was concerned, both salt and spices were in abundance and domestic traders ensured their free flow within the subcontinent. Special ceremonies or wars were, therefore, not called for in India where these two commodities were concerned. But householders and societies were indeed tense and expectant where the other two kitchen essentials were concerned, i.e., oil and sugar. Europeans could and did use animal fat like the lard of pigs to fry and cook, but in India this was totally taboo. Vegetable oils were essential and the very fact that the root word for 'oil' in Sanskrit is 'tailam' or the oil of sesame seeds called 'til' indicates that this was the mother of all vegetable oils in India. Thus the sesame crop was tended with care as the whole year's cooking medium lay within its tiny seeds. In the same manner, the annual supply of the traditional sweetening agent in our kitchens and many million kitchens outside this country depended on how well the sugar cane crop turned out to be. The householder prayed to the almighty for these crops as they were two of the four essential commodities that mattered where his daily meal was concerned.
         And, lo and behold, both the crops normally ripened in almost all parts of India around the same time, i.e., early January that falls in the latter half of the Indian month of Paus. Now the pieces fall in place and we understand why the traditional condiments that are prepared at this time of the year consist of both sugar or indigenous jaggery and sesame or til or gingley. North India enjoys its rewri or sugary sweets coated with white sesame seeds and gajjak or light crunchies made from both, while other regions produce their own variants of both sugar and sesame. It is also time to celebrate, rejoice with friends and family and, of course, thank god for his munificence. It is my submission, Sankranti is celebrated at this juncture because of the almost simultaneous arrival of the two of the four critical kitchen items that India is worried about.
It is interesting to observe how the ripened sugar-cane and til crops dominate the festival from Punjab to Tamil Nadu, and sweet items made of both are distributed almost mandatorily, all over the Indian subcontinent. But wet States like Kerala and Bengal, that did not traditionally have much of either crop, celebrate Sankranti with lesser fervour than the rest of India. These two States thus share not only certain brands of politics in common  and their love for passionate arguments: but they also ensure that coconut sweets find their place in Sankranti. Bengal has another difference, as palm gur is often used  in place of cane-sugar jaggery, and this is also  the right  occasion for sweet delicacies: its pulir pitha, paati-shapta, tiler naru that are sweetmeats made from ground coconut, local palm sugar, a bit of sesame and other items. Frankly, most Bengalis are not obsessed with this date and this celebration as other states are, though they do observe it. South Bengal   and Kolkata actually wake up to Paus Sankranti only when they see huge crowds from neighbouring States thronging and over-crowding all roads and launches to Ganga Sagar for the holy bath at the confluence of the mighty river with the sea.
Assam has a new rice crop, therefore its Bohgali Bihu is a harvest festival, marked with fast, feast and bonfires.  All over the north, from Punjab to Bihar, the kihchdi of dal, rice and seasonal vegetables, is an additional treat, beyond til, jaggery and milk-based sweets. But halwa is another popular in certain States like Punjab and Maharashtra, and many use suji as a base, while Tamils and others prefer milk, rice pudding and sweet payasam. But Ganga-snan or the ritual bath is common throughout India, even in Kerala and Bengal, and Brahmanism ensures rather conveniently, that the Ganga can easily be  substituted by the local river. Even cattles are taken for a ritual bath in this  cold water, whether they like it or not. In some regions, their horns are coloured or tied with fancy ribbons, small bells and beads and brought out in processions. Some southern States hold bullock cart races and Tamil Nadu goes one step ahead, by organising bull taming contests, called Jalli-kkattu: something close to bull fights in Spain. Human strength and skills are pitted against these angry beasts, but the injuries and death to both men and cattle in this 'sport' prompted the Supreme Court recently to prohibit this dangerous custom. But then, law enforcement in India is often notoriously slack in many social spheres.
In this manner, many rituals have found their way into Makara Sankranti, which has slowly converted into an agreed festival and is celebrated in all parts of India. Even kite flying is included in States like Gujarat and Jharkhand. There is reason to believe that some of these customs were in existence for centuries when one observes tribes like the Bhuinya tribals of Odisha and the western frontier of Bengal celebrate thir Tusu during this period.  In Manipur too, many tribes pray to Lining-thou, their supreme god, and even in far off Arunachal Pradesh, the Ramayana, Mahabharat and Kalika Puran are invoked during this seasonal worship. One grand Brahmanical ceremony appears to reign supreme at Brahm-kund and attracts thousands of pilgrims on this day even though it is at the farthest end, so near to India's borders with China. Incidentally, even crows are invited with claps and rhythmic folk songs in the hilly regions of Uttarrakhand: the variety is, thus, mind boggling! It is really difficult to say today as to whether formal Hinduism borrowed customs from indigenous religion, or vice versa, but the uniting and harmonising role of Brahmanism is evident, all through.
       The erstwhile Buddhist deity Saastha, who now resides in the extremely popular Hindu temple of Sabarimala, also receives his dues from lakhs of pilgrims who undergo a lot of self torture for penance, just to meet him on this very day. This wide range of celebrations truly represent the remarkable diversity of our plural culture, but what is more remarkable is how almost all the different festivals did come together through an unwritten agreement to unite on a narrow band of dates for their observance. It is obvious from several cultural traces that are still visible to the trained eye that the whole process must have taken centuries of persistent Brahmanical persuasion. It is quite possible that it was  accompanied by some amount of appropriation of local beliefs and their assimilation, but the fact is that it must have also taken a lot of patience to standardise so many widely-different local festivals to finally come under a common banner. What emerged from this long and almost unique process was a unity that was called Bharatvarsh or India.
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