Monday, 26 July 2021

Hundred years of Satyajit Ray, and his brand of visceral cinema that mirrored the politics of Bengal across decades

 

Hundred years of Satyajit Ray, and his brand of visceral cinema that mirrored the politics of Bengal across decades

Jawhar Sircar

(Firstpost, 2 May 2021)

 

It is quite uncanny that the birth centenary of Satyajit Ray, 2 May, 2021, also happens to be the very day on which the results of the bitterest and longest drawn elections in Bengal’s history are being revealed. When one comes to think of it, this coincidence is as poetic as the legendary filmmaker's cinema, because Bengal's politics has always been inextricably linked to its cinema.

“Fish, football, and films” may be said to capture the essence of Bengal, but without another term, ‘politics,' the description is hardly complete. While the Bengali fixation with the first two above are rather well known, and ‘politics’ is embedded in the DNA, a word on films may be in order.

The state that has slipped on many fronts in the past half a century continues, however, to vigorously retain its remarkable lead in producing quality and thought-provoking films. With 22 movies, Bengali films have won the highest number of the nation’s best film awards, while the next group, Hindi, has secured 14. Malayalam comes third with 12 such awards, while most others are content with just one or two. One is astonished how the restless Kolkatan waits so patiently in mile-long queues outside the different venues of the city’s International Film Festival.

These four elements usually manifest themselves in pairs, and the most impressive combo emerged when films combined with politics in Bengal. We see how as early as 1938, Bengal rolled out patriotic movies like Desher Mati (My Country’s Soil), Sangram and Vande Mataram, while it grappled with more complex issues in the cinematic version of Rabindranath Tagore’s Gora. Sarat Chandra Chatterjee’s banned patriotic novel Pather Dabi (Right of Way) also appeared in film form even before the British had left.

It were, however, more radical films like Chhinnamul (The Uprooted, 1951) and Ritwik Ghatak’s Nagarik (1952) that gripped public attention, focusing on the burning issues of refugees who were violently and mercilessly uprooted from East Pakistan. This is where the Communists scored their first goals, as the ruling Congress establishment floundered in handling the human tide that swept into West Bengal, angry and hungry. The Communists did a great service by campaigning to ensure that the communal virus did not infect the furious millions, which was quite unlike what was happening in Punjab and Delhi. But they organised themselves and other disaffected masses in their endless series of violent movements that rocked the state over the next two decades. 

Soon, the ‘three masters’ of Bengali film made their presence felt. While two, Ritwik Ghatak and Mrinal Sen, were overtly pro-communist and churned out strident films, the third, Satyajit Ray, was far more nuanced. In 1955, Ray’s debut film Pather Panchali marked the grand entry of Bengali films into world cinema, and was commended for its superb production, maturity of handling, worldview, and de-theatricalised  presentation. It was not political, but dealt subtly with the universality of human struggle and the message of survival.

This was the year when Bengal abolished its notoriously inequitable, centuries-old zamindari system, to free cultivable lands for the impoverished peasantry. While Ray added two unforgettable films to what the legendary Apu trilogy, Ghakak produced his disturbing trilogy, beginning with Meghe Dhaka Tara, in rapid succession in 1960, 1961, and 1962, raging at the tragic consequences of the partition of Bengal. This was just after the tumultuous Food Movement of 1959, which was brutally suppressed — the Communist Party claimed that several scores of their protesters had been bludgeoned to death by the police.

Bengal was on the boil, and the common man learnt to occupy the street, through agitations that preceded it, like the violent one against the increase of the fares of trams by one paisa (several trams were set on fire), and when teachers left schools to protest and sit on pavements, demanding a decent salary of just a hundred and fifty rupees. Endless protest soon emerged as a leitmotif of the state, which would start driving industry away from it. But it is rather strange, however, that there are no inspired films centred on these political struggles, though they were referred to or appear in the ‘background’ of later movies. 

Politics in Bengal underwent a paradigm shift in 1967 when Congress was dislodged from power, and left parties combined with ‘bourgeois’ groups to form a government. Its short life was ruptured when left-wing extremism tore out of the ruling Communist Party (Marxist) to stage an armed insurrection at Naxalbari. Mrinal Sen has chronicled so movingly the excruciatingly painful phase that followed, as the ‘revolution,' drenched in “the blood of beheaded class enemies," wrestled in a macabre battle with brutal and vindictive state repression. That Sen’s sympathies lay unambiguously with the oppressed and with the left movement is clear, though we are not sure which brand of the left that was.

His ‘Calcutta Trilogy’ of InterviewCalcutta 71, and Padatik, followed by Chorus, captured the terrible frustration of the youth during the 1969-1975 period, when hopeless joblessness stared in the face while the romanticised left revolution went through its dramatic convulsions. He was critical of Ray’s lack of direct involvement, but Ray’s films of this same phase, like Pratidwandi, Seemabaddha, and Jana Aranya, brought out quite vividly and sympathetically the exasperation of the thinking, educated middle-class youth.

Along with Kerala, Bengal was always a highly politicised state but its population is almost three times that of Kerala’s, while its human development indices are nowhere near. Filmmakers in both languages operate within similar environments of class struggles and rights consciousness, and in dissecting deep human cravings — which is difficult for the film world in other states to understand. It is remarkable how Ray articulated his social and political concerns so vividly and aesthetically, without actually talking or preaching politics. 

A lesser known fact is Ray’s close association with left intellectuals of post-Independence Bengal, as evidenced from his regular visits to the office of Kathashilpa Publishers, located very close to College Street’s iconic Coffee House. It was the rendezvous of almost every radical intellectual and artist of Calcutta, including those with extreme left sympathies. This red bastion that Ray visited so regularly retained its political purity and vitality for three decades, and is credited with encouraging some of finest cultural personalities of the period.

Ray was conversant with subtle and intricate nuances of the Marxist discourse. Though he may have been impressed by many an ideal or aspiration, he could never come anywhere near any dogmatism. An uncompromising rationalist and secular liberal, he was primarily an artist and a musician who had extended his genius through the new form of articulation in celluloid. His classic critique of authoritarianism, Hirak Rajar Deshe, demonstrates his sheer mastery and white anger, as he narrates a rather simple children’s tale of an evil oppressive king. The king’s repression and ‘brainwashing’ of the populace (Ray was considerably advanced in perceiving the tactics of autocracy) backfires, and  the people revolt and dethrone him. Ray is remembered time and again in these troubled times, and his verses are repeatedly quoted almost every day, as the nation looks on aghast at mesmerised audiences who are unable to grasp the devastation inflicted by the ruler. 

On 2 May, 2021, the maverick filmmaker and one of Bengal’s greatest sons would surely like to know whether his people have voted or not for the lofty ideals for which he had lived and toiled all his life. 

(Please Click Here to read the article on Firstpost’sWebsite)

By making petulance part of state policy, Modi has opened a provocative chapter in federal conflicts

 

By making petulance part of state policy, Modi has opened a provocative chapter in federal conflicts

Jawhar Sircar

(Scroll.In, 3 June 2021)

Narendra Modi has surely lost his cool after 48% of the voters of Bengal rejected him quite decisively in the recent state elections by sinking their fierce political differences. Then followed the first real thrashing from all sections that Modi received in his seven years as prime minister for his disastrous handling of the Covid-19 pandemic.

His previous chillingly-cold and calculating demeanour, which was invariably accompanied by a remorseless steely indifference, has disappeared. It has given way to unconcealed malice, knee-jerk actions and uncalled-for over-reactions.

This is clear from the ludicrous show cause notice of May 31 that his home ministry served on Alapan Bandyopadhayay the very day after he retired as chief secretary of West Bengal. This was obviously a last-ditch attempt to save Modi’s face by shadow-kicking the state chief minister’s trusted chief secretary after the missives fired by his directly-controlled department of personnel failed in its task of fixing her.

With its juvenile drafting and its use of archaic bureaucratese, the notice directs Bandyopadhyay to show cause in three days flat why he should not be charged with criminality under Section 51 of the Disaster Management Act. This could entail a fine and up to two years in jail.

The act of threatening a chief secretary of a rather-annoying opposition-run state is more than just an exercise in misplaced audacity. The fact that the prime minister wants to send a chief secretary to jail to punish his boss for annoying him indicates that he has embedded petulance as part of state policy. No other prime minister in history and none of the imperial overlords or the despised despots who preceded them could even imagine displaying such untamed expressions of imperiousness.

 

Let us run over the charges constructed by hapless officials of the ministry who are too terrified of the prime minister to tell him not to be ridiculous.

The first charge is that Alapan Bandyopadhyay and his chief minister had the temerity to keep the prime minister waiting for full 15 minutes at a planned meeting. It would be interesting to know which part of the heavens fell down because of this, as it were the same heavens that actually caused the delay in the aftermath of Cyclone Yaas.

The chief minister has informed us through her letter of May 31 addressed to the prime minister that she and her chief secretary were unable to take off in their helicopter in time from her last point of embarkation, the badly-affected Sagar Island, because “flight permissions were delayed to make room for your movements”.

This letter was not objected to by the prime minister or his associates and thus the law admits it as an “estoppel” – a truth that is accepted by the recipient. Perhaps the Central government would also like to suspend or take criminal action against those central officials such as the Air Traffic Controllers for these 15 minutes of unpardonable delay.

Bandyopadhyay does not know how to fly, though he surely learnt some horse riding at the IAS Training Academy. Or else, he may even have the option of flying the helicopter himself.

If one reads the chief minister’s letter carefully, one would note that she arrived well in advance of the time actually fixed for the meeting at Kalaikunda Airport near Kharagpur. This was 2.30 pm. But the terrible offence for which Alapan is sought to be jailed is that he and his chief minister were not already present in Kalaikunda before the prime minister’s aircraft touched base, with flowers in hand.

The charge is surely not that of delaying the prime minister’s meeting and someone should brief the poor under secretary who may have no idea of where this Kalaikunda is and how far it is from Kakinada. Until we amend the Indian Penal Code or the Disaster Management Act and include the failure to receive high dignitaries with bouquets and accompanying of pleasantries as a criminal offence, no one can be really be charged with such a crime. Psychologists may say that the real issue is moving from the ridiculous to the domain of dangerous derangement.

The chief minister had explained to the prime minister well in advance that she had fixed her aerial and ground surveys of the cyclone-affected areas well before prime minister had announced his tour to Bengal and adjoining states and that she had altered her original programme to adjust with his visit. There must be sufficient evidence in the form of messages and correspondence to substantiate this and unless a martial law is declared in a federal setup, the prime minister cannot demand more.

Besides, the control room monitoring the prime minister’s visit maintains minute-by-minute records and these may be useful to Bandyopadhayay. His fate is invariably linked to his boss’s programme and this needs to be understood clearly. If we had a differently educated prime minister like Atal Behari Vajpayi or Manmohan Singh, they would have rung up the chief minister themselves and taken her on their aircraft for a joint survey. But those who take pride in having sold tea in a non-existent railway station or claim to be detached fakirs function differently – obviously more maliciously.

The next charge against Alapan Bandyopadhayay is that “he abstained himself from the review meeting taken by the prime minister, who is also the chairman of the National Disaster Management Authority”. Section 51 of the Disaster Management Act, applies mainly to “whoever, without reasonable cause” causes offence under the act. It is, indeed, a dark day for both federalism and democracy if chief secretaries are now charged under such sections, for abiding by the legitimate orders of their chief ministers – during a disaster-related emergency, instead of massaging egos.

The section is meant to punish someone who defies “any officer or employee of the Central Government or the State Government, or a person authorised by the National Authority or State Authority in the discharge of his functions under this Act”.

Let us also remember that the chief minister is chairperson of the State Disaster Management Authority and the chief secretary is chairperson of its executive committee, under Section 20 of the act. It is more than ridiculous to imagine them as obstructionists in their own state – just because they did not attend the review meeting called by the prime minister. It is not clear whether this meeting was summoned as prime minister or in his capacity as the chairman of the National Disaster Management Authority.

If the latter is now sought to be established so as to punish under the act, then more corroborative evidence requires to be placed in the public domain. Was the invitation issued by the Disaster Management Authority secretariat in the home ministry or the Prime Minister’s Office? Which other Disaster Management Authority official or committee member was present, because reports indicate that none of them were present at Kalaikunda when the meeting took place.

The prime minister was literally on a flying visit, with the state’s rather-interesting governor and some other Union ministers of his party, who are not involved at all under the Disaster Management Authority.

Clause 1(b) of Section 51 under which Alapan is questioned is meant to punish those who “refuse to comply with any direction given by or on behalf of the Central Government or the State Government or the National Executive Committee or the State Executive Committee”. The moot point is that since Narendra Modi desires to open new fronts to attack the federal structure that is envisaged under the Act, he must state clearly which direction of his did the chairpersons of the State Authority and the State Executive Commitee “refuse to comply” with. Where is that direction in writing?

Busy public personalities do not really have time to practice telepathy and in government. Instructions have to be in writing under the authority’s letterhead, to prove that they existed at all and to establish that they were violated. Charging the highest levels of the State Authority under the Disaster Management Act in writing is a menacing blow to federalism and cannot just be laughed away as the tantrums of a bad loser.

The important issue that we need to remember is that the chief minister had consistently objected to the presence of Bharatiya Janata Party leader Subhendu Adhikari at the meeting. She had repeatedly wanted (in writing) a serious one-to-one prime minister-chief minister meeting instead of a durbar. She had every right to do so, because the ultimate responsibility is hers, and she was not allowed or advised to bring her ministers and leaders, who knew more of the subject under discussion than those VIPs in the prime minister’s entourage.

If the prime minister insists that Subhendu Adhikari be present as the leader of the opposition, we would like to know how many times he himself has invited Adhir Chaudhary, the leader of the Congress in the Lok Sabha, to his review meetings, though he does calls him occasionally as leader of the opposition to select heads of important organisations.

The chief minister needed the chief secretary to accompany her to note her observations and orders at different places. She had specifically taken the prime minister’s clearance before leaving for Digha, both for herself and her chief secretary. If the prime minister wanted the same chief secretary to be present in his meeting, he should have given prior instructions, or at least said so, when the chief minister and the chief secretary were taking their leave.

Sulking and subsequent vengeance are not acceptable in governance. If the prime minister wishes to establish new records in preposterousness, let him issue a show cause notice to the chief minister herself.

We may remember that the chief minister is the head of the State Authority under the Disaster Management Act, just as the prime minister is that of the National Authority, and that she also has the same powers to issue notices for prosecution under Section 51 of the Act – to those who either obstruct functioning or defy instructions. She has not exercised these powers to retaliate.

Mamata Banerjee is known to be mercurial but she has shown, in this episode, that she possesses qualities essential to function effectively under serious laws like the Disaster Management Act in the interests of federalism. It is unfortunate that her senior, the prime minister of India, has not established either his willingness or his capacity to operate likewise – nor has he displayed evidence of the mature mindset and accommodative culture that the a federal Constitution expects of him.

(PleaseClick Here to read Article on Scroll.In)

 

Bengal chief secretary transfer bares sour grapes of wrath

 

Bengal chief secretary transfer bares sour grapes of wrath

Jawhar Sircar

(The Telegraph, 30 May 2021)

As one who has served the state government for half the “senior, secretariat years” while the other half of this period was at the Centre, one could be a little distant from parochial quarrels. Incidentally, governments were almost always in confrontational mode and one is quite used to the issues and tensions involved.

Mercifully, the PM and most of the ministers that one served were better educated and more cultured and the debate between the two levels of the federation did not hit the rock bottom that it does now. It is obvious that such limitations of genteel conduct do not hold back the present clique and its current depredations are met by a street-fighter who can retort measure for measure.

This explains, to some degree, the present no-holds-barred war between the two, which is quite unprecedented even to those who have seen battles before and had, willy-nilly, to be involved with one side — depending on where one was posted at what time.

A bit of tension between the two layers of federal governance is, however, not too unhealthy for establishing working procedures in such a constitutional arrangement. It also permits the release of steam on both sides that often represent and articulate contesting interests of separate audiences. Occasional blow-ups actually help absorb the heat of the conflict and may assist in finding new ways out.

It is, however, ironical that Narendra Modi (chief minister from 2001 to 2014), who was the greatest votary of the autonomy of states in a federal set-up, is the one who has now taken upon himself the task of destroying India’s federal structure with the intolerance of an Aurangzeb.

But it is his special venom towards Mamata Banerjee and Bengal that is worrisome, not because he would succeed in wreaking much havoc on either, but because of the ill-effects it has on his own health. Like blackmail, sulking and vengeance have little place in a democratic federal structure.

If the PM was so insistent, he could have easily requested the CM in advance to accompany him on his aerial survey of the cyclone-devastated areas yesterday. Instead, he seethed within when the

CM moved on her pre-announced tour of the affected areas. Such pent-up rage is not conducive to his health or that of the nation that is entrusted to him.

Issuing a summons to the chief secretary (CS) to be present in Delhi on the last date of his service does not behove of a Prime Minister. The poor CS certainly does not dictate what his CM should do or not do. In fact, if the PM felt, he could also have requested the CM to depute her CS to attend his meeting, instead of victimising him later.

The “order” of May 28, 2021, sent by the Centre is full of inconsistencies unbefitting the Appointments Committee of the Cabinet of a once-mighty republic that is on its knees begging the world for succour to control a pandemic that it failed to do.

First of all, it cannot issue a unilateral order on an IAS officer who is not under its control, but under another government within the federation. These issues have been settled time and again, and its obverse is that the state government cannot issue an order on an IAS or IPS officer of its own cadre who happens to be posted under the central government while he has tenure left with the Centre, without the Centre’s approval.

The second striking feature is that it is really not a posting order because it does not mention to which post the CS of this state has been posted. It is more of an intimation rather than a formal order and it requests the state government to release him. What is utterly humiliating is that a senior Union secretary-ranking officer is told to report to a central ministry, much like sub-inspectors of police are ordered.

The short point is that the central government cannot force an IAS or IPS officer to join a central posting in Delhi against his will, without either his written ‘option’ or his cadre-controlling authority, the state government, giving him prior clearance to ‘opt’ for the Centre.

Managing All India Service officers entails a complex balancing act and the founding fathers of our Constitution wanted it to be so. They have held the federation together through the worst of times like the long, bloody separative movements in Punjab, Assam and several other parts of India — when local people were determined to break away and state governments were taking sides.

Rule 6 (1) of the IAS Cadre Rules of 1954 has been quoted but the rule reads: “A cadre officer may, with the concurrence of the state governments concerned, and the central government, be deputed for service under the central government….” This “concurrence” is most critical.

The procedures enjoin that the Centre has to inform the state government of its intention to take deputationists from the state and officers have to give their ‘options’, which then has to be cleared by the state. Many of us have not been ‘cleared’ and were stuck with the state, but that is how it is. Incidentally, the national record for not permitting state IAS and IPS officers to go on central postings is held by none other than Narendra Modi as CM. Neither did the CS opt for the Centre, nor was his name cleared and forwarded by the state.

Assuming that all these procedures are short-circuited for some grave national emergency (the central government is not likely to collapse if the incumbent is not released), the question still remains that it is the state that has finally to decide whether to release him, even if it has ‘cleared’ his name for deputation in the first place.

The Centre can raise this issue further, but there is no time left for the matter to be dragged further as the officer retires from service on the next working day, May 31.

The gross injustice of heckling an officer of this rank by summoning him to Delhi on that very day hits even those who are ardent fans of strong administration.

Yes, the service of the incumbent has, indeed, been extended for three months, by this very central government just four days ago but this is purely in the interests of continuity in the fight against the raging pandemic — not to be, say, Union Secretary for Panchayati Raj.

The so-called order is surely nothing more than an expression of the central government's frustration and rage.

The law and the established procedures are in favour of the state government and even though the Centre has alerted the Administrative Tribunal, it will surely sweat profusely to justify its ham-handed and quite unprecedented order in the light of the law and natural justice.

It can huff and it can puff, but it can do little else. It could not have issued similar unilateral orders of transfer of four IPS officers from the state to the Centre the last time, a few months ago, because pique is no substitute for governance. Better legal counsel must have prevailed, and this “order” is even more ridiculous. It cannot stop the officer’s pension under any circumstances and the law is very clear on this.

The order is absurdly and politically vindictive but we must also understand that it highlights not only the sheer pettiness of the Prime Minister but his style of constantly attacking the foe in his/her own territory, very much like Kabaddi. And as it happens in this game, the attackers gets pinned down and knocked out.

In an earlier prediction made on May 1 in these columns before the Assembly election results were out  (“My fear: Whoever wins, trouble and chaos lurk”), one had mentioned that “one is quite apprehensive that trouble and chaos may thus rule, at least in the near future”.

It is time to realise that all the dots that appeared thereafter join together — the shrill campaign to declare President's Rule because of a bout of post-election violence; the swoop at dawn to arrest prominent leaders of the ruling party and consigning them to jail and this present assault of federalism. Modi has, somehow, vent his wrath at the historic vote against him by the electors of this state and, more important, he must nail Mamata Banerjee to Bengal as he is almost certain that she is appearing as the only Opposition leader in India who is a real threat to him.

The boy from the small town of Vadnagar has met his match in the feisty woman in hawai chappals from the bylanes of Kalighat.

*********

Those endowed with some minimal education are usually fortunate enough to be exposed to knowledge and to civilising values that assist them in developing their world view beyond the small universe into which they are born. It usually leads to the realisation that life is not just scoring points and intimidation.

But some who were unfortunate enough to be bred in painfully underdeveloped regions, such as Sicily and Calabria in south Italy, could not however avail of the broader civilisational virtues of America even after they migrated there in the early part of the 20th century. They continued to believe in the power of their rustic stiletto dagger that could lunge deep into the enemy’s heart and were exhilarated by the power and resources that capitulated before them. Civilisation, however, hit back in due course — exterminating the scourge of their unfettered gangsterism. 

Other nations have also gone through similar learning cycles where such vicious fringe forces are concerned, but not until they have wreaked their complete cycle of havoc that propels them, quite genetically.

In a large but underdeveloped democratic polity and a struggling developing economy, crude operators can strengthen their position through mutually beneficial alliances with big capital, and then move on to perfect heavily-funded electoral management. They delight in   letting loose a well-planned, systems-driven, relentless juggernaut on lesser-equipped, naturally-divided democratic forces.

Once they and their enthralled brown-shirts have attained their objective of seizing power through democracy, they are terribly uncomfortable with irritants like plural, liberal democracy. The regime thus established goes around tackling the messy inheritance of constitutional governance by corroding and destroying national-level institutions and all organisations that ensure democratic governance.

It achieves this with the connivance of user-friendly aspirants among the elite corps of the bureaucracy — who are so easily persuaded by assured promotion to the highly coveted posts, in this cut-throat competitive market. The regime then lets loose these hounds and their agencies of investigation and command to bludgeon into submission the institutions of constitutional governance, as they are so high on smash and grab that they forget to rule and deliver.

The all-knowing whisperatti of Delhi discuss, in  hushed tones, their methodology used in specific cases — like persuasion, cajoling, temptation, transferring incumbents (where possible), bullying and finally, threatening with hints of minutely detailed dossiers on them. Much of the ‘dark side’ reportedly flaunted could well consists of exaggerations, perverted interpretations or simply imaginative constructions of falsehood.

One can now understand why the most protected and respected of national institutions are collapsing before such an onslaught, while others have simply been taken over by foisting the regime’s trusted and surely amoral bureaucrats.

(PleaseClick Here to Read the article on The Telegraph Website)

 

Bengal polls 2021: Whoever wins, trouble and chaos lurk

 

Bengal polls 2021: Whoever wins, trouble and chaos lurk

Jawhar Sircar

(The Telegraph, 1 May 2021)

One has never seen people in other states and cities of India so genuinely bothered about elections in Bengal. Many are actually petrified that nothing can hold back the BJP if the quintessentially secular bastion of Bengal capitulates.

Equally eager are several others to ensure that it does crumble, as it has held out far too long and delayed the patriotic homogenisation of a Hindu Rashtra.

Many also believe that India has already paid a heavy price because the only two who have monopolised decision-making in Delhi, by systematically disempowering ministers and bureaucrats, were too obsessively busy in Bengal to find time to tackle the coronavirus.

But in Bengal, people are more interested in ending this bitter chapter of the state’s political history. Indications are, however, that peace may take quite a long time to return to this state, irrespective of who takes over. The air is just too toxic to rule with any modicum of stability.

Although Bengalis have always loved heated arguments, they are not really conditioned to hate their opponent, or else they would be deprived of the next round. But now they look aghast as society is seared right through and even families and groups of friends are slashed into intolerant warring groups.

Poison has also penetrated through the sustained hate propaganda and the venomous debates of the leaders on both sides. It would take a serious and sustained effort to blunt the capacity of both parties to hit, harm and kill at will.

Nonetheless, the internationally known bookies of Rajasthan’s Phalodi and many online betting sites declared their winner long ago, and they are fretting as they wait for the annoying processes of voting to act themselves out.

Every few days, the home minister too hands out what would appear to the uninitiated to be the exact results of each phase of the polls. He is fed by multiple sources, especially after several institutions of state power have merged seamlessly with the ruling party.

The defending champions of Bengal too keep shrieking about their sure victory, confidently predicting that the millions spent on this “hostile acquisition” bid would go waste.

Unfortunately for the bookies and contenders, democracy has this incorrigible habit of upsetting many carefully arranged “realities”. One learnt this unforgettable lesson way back in 1977, as an assistant returning officer, when Indira Gandhi’s hordes had confidently declared that her victory was a mere formality.

Sadly, in the last couple of years, Bengal has slipped dangerously into the abyss it had avoided so adroitly from 1946 onwards, even after Muhammad Ali Jinnah had inflicted his bloody “Great Calcutta Killings”, quite well-planned.

Thereafter, the Muslim League and the Hindu Mahasabha went on an overdrive to create provocations and riots, even as H.S. Suhrawardy and Sarat Chandra Bose kept trying their best to retain Bengal as a united, separate nation.

In 1947, however, the communal divide won and Bengal was split in two. Even so, relations between the two communities were considerably different compared with the northern parts of India.

This was largely because of their passionate attachment to the common language, their similar food habits and other sensitivities — although “pride and prejudice” co-existed under the surface.

Thus, while Punjab and Delhi were overtaken by unprecedented manslaughter and devastation in 1947 when the nation was partitioned, Calcutta remained peaceful thanks to the superhuman efforts of Gandhi, who had successfully earlier doused the Noakhali riots.

In the succeeding decades, riots were sporadically ignited by fanatics in East Pakistan, under the indulgent eyes of communal elements in the government, mainly to grab property by driving out Hindus. Thus, waves of refugees streamed in every now and then, and sizeable numbers of Muslims also moved out of Bengal, insecure after the killings on this side.

Analysts, however, agree almost unanimously that Bengal handled the trauma of Partition far better than Punjab.

A factor that contributed was the ideological commitment of the communists who did not permit the communalisation of the refugees. They did, however, use them for other very disruptive political agitations and also to seize power.

Despite intermittent, bloody communal eruptions, the great fortitude of the early decades following Independence ensured that secular politics became the unquestioned “default mode” in Bengal.

The political formations that held power in Bengal since 1947 can be faulted on several issues, but none of them pla yed dirty communal politics or deliberately created riots. Muslims accounted for a substantial quarter of the population, or a bit more, and they were both vocal and visible.

How then did the situation undergo such a radical change towards the Hindu Right? The first reason was that communal poison finally succeeded in getting in, after years of a systematic injection of hatred against minorities. The BJP won over a section, largely from the high castes and upper classes and also from other, specifically targeted castes.

These converts suddenly discovered a Hindu identity that decades of Left and secular rule had never allowed to surface. Then, Mamata Banerjee’s pursuit of the Muslim vote and her own open publicity of photos in a hijab  cut both ways.

The Hindu Brigade played upon these visuals, and those of beef hung for sale on open thoroughfares.

The marginal increase in the Muslim population was and is being constantly portrayed as the end of the Hindu civilisation. Besides, no one really noticed when the RSS systematically and quietly penetrated different parts of the state for decades, setting up schools and camps to influence people through social work.

Finally, many voters are now floored by the Prime Minister’s promise of a “Sonar Bangla”, a golden Bengal, if only the state gives up its 44 years of confrontation with the Centre.

It is undeniable that a large and committed section has swung decisively to the BJP and this cannot be wished away, even if all of its members are not hard-core Hindutva supporters. The party has enough strongmen and ample funding, as well as strong support from  the central government that is forever restless to intervene.

The BJP surely reaped benefits from the Trinamul Congress’s adverse image of corruption and the intolerable behaviour of its musclemen and leaders. Its large-scale rigging of the 2018 panchayat elections surely alienated numerous people.

But its biggest blunder was to terrorise members of all the Opposition parties, who invariably moved to the BJP for protection.

Alternatives are ruled out, anyway, as the Left and the Congress have been marginalised at the polls, as the voting figures reveal. The Left now appears quite historically irrelevant and its excesses are still fresh in memory.

Its long rule and munificence has given rise to a reasonably well-off “new class” that revels in theoretical arguments and righteous indignation against “neo-fascism” but has hardly the strength to fight it.

The Congress has been drained of its life force by its former leader, Mamata, who is unshakable in her stand that she is the “real Congress”.

If Mamata manages to emerge paramount in this election, and her numbers are not bought over (which is not unlikely), she may play a more leading role in the nationwide surge against the BJP’s rock-solid rule.

Modi is absolutely unforgiving and no one knows how his wrath on Bengal will manifest. The war will only intensify and the BJP in Bengal is likely to step up violence, abetted by the central leadership, to harass the government.

But Mamata is also a desperate street-fighter and prone to belligerent agitations. As magistrate, one has had to “tackle” her and to actually “take her into custody” outside Jadavpur police station in 1983.

Over the following decades, she went on to win Bengal against an almost invincible regime, and now she considers the BJP prime game.

If she is, however, knocked off her perch, she will surely assume her familiar agitational self and ensure that Bengal’s new rulers do not get a moment’s peace. Police firings and the killing of dozens of her supporters have never stopped her.

After four decades in administration, one is quite apprehensive that trouble and chaos may thus rule, at least in the near future.

(Please Click Here to Read the article on TheTelegraph Website)

 

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