Monday, 10 February 2020

Preserving Kolkata's Architectural Heritage


Preserving Kolkata's Architectural Heritage

 Jawhar Sircar

      Unosotterer Panchash, Celebrating Fifty Years,
    Presidency College 1969-72 Batch Alumni, 20 Jan 2020, Kolkata

Forgive them, for they knew not what they were doing; But some did, and did not care!” These impassioned words were inscribed on a poster that was mounted and was fixed on the wall over my desk. It inspired me for several years until the compulsions of my job took me away from that house. The poster was printed by the Ananda Bazar group and it depicted an old sepia tint photograph of demolition labourers tearing down the Senate Hall of Calcutta University, in 1960. The workers seemed to hammer away, quite mercilessly, at the intricately carved Grecian pillars but the imposing triangular pediment on top appeared regal and quite unconcerned even as death started at it. Concern for the past glory of this metropolis pervades the city’s culture and yet, few shed a tear when a part of this glorious past is ripped apart. Little did Kolkata know then that it was not tearing down a building: it was actually ripping apart a very bone from its own ribs, that protected its pulsating heart. This grand edifice can hardly ever be replicated, but few protested. This sums up the tragedy of the second city of the Empire” that once housed some of the finest edifices of the colonial period. Having failed to protect many, except the colossal public buildings, which we shall not discuss here, we take refuge in sentimental nostalgia.
 It is needless to remind ourselves that Kolkata once famous for its large number of palatial buildings, which earned it the sobriquet: the City of Palaces”. At present, however, except the Marble Palace, Jorasanko Thakurbari and a handful of other such well-maintained ones, the rest are all gone or are in a pitiable state of disrepair. In a manner of speaking, this is poetic justice, as the wealth that flowed into the city from the early part of 19th century and continued unabated for the next one and a half centuries was from unabashed exploitation. Kolkata’s colonial age architecture flourished as the indigenous ruling classes, and the British overlords acquired so much of economic surpluses that they could allocate quite a bit of it to building magnificent edifices — to demonstrate, of course, their own glory, pomp and splendour. We are not in the business of being overwhelmed by ostentation, but heritage and aesthetics mandate a certain regard for architectural uniqueness before they disappear and wipe off evidence of how man and nature conversed in different climates and circumstances. The purpose of this piece is to plead for retaining whatever we can because once they go, we shall lose a valuable heritage of our city — with no hope of recreating extinct cultural species. Let us try to understand the value of Kolkata’s built heritage from this analytical point of view, but since the area is unmanageably large, we will restrict the discussion to only two important classes of architecture that Kolkata boasts of. We shall try to locate the distinguishing features or unique characteristics that distinguish these forms of Kolkata’s architecture from their cousins elsewhere. These two categories we shall explore are the grand Colonial-era residential mansions of the rich of north Kolkata and the quaint Art Deco buildings of south Kolkata — both of which bear the stamp of Kolkata and the spirit of Bengal.
What we need to focus on while studying Kolkatas architectural heritage are the various improvisations adopted, to combine foreign and local elements and construction norms. Stylistically speaking, the moneyed elite of colonial Kolkata copied several neo-classical and other European architectural features like neo-Renaissance, Romanesque and Palladian and then merged them all with indigenous requirements and features. Thus most such palatial buildings are really difficult to place into standard architectural categories. Not that all of them were, however, either very artistic or architecturally perfect, but then, they did bear the very own expressions of old Kolkata. We can decipher, for instance, a great demand for crowding as much showy stucco ornamentation and Baroque designs on the plaster work of buildings as was possible. Stately classical columns would often be capped with excessively carved capitals, replete with floral and leafy designs. The grand triangular pediments that crowned the rows of columns in front was kept high and imposing, so as to look down, rather imperiously, on people entering the hallowed portals. But one also comes across intervening architectural forms as well, like a decorated balcony in a later Italian style, that appears to jut out of the first floor of the building that rises just behind the tall pillars. Lavish use was also made of Italian marble and Belgian glass.
    The very local need for privacy of family members enjoined that Kolkata’s bonedi baris would have two very different wings, namely, the road-facing main building (sadar mahal) that had necessarily to be quite distinct from the female quarters (andar mahal), which were hidden from public view. It was, therefore, essential to have a quadrangular courtyard so that the two quarters could be separate, and yet be joined by narrower buildings on two sides of the quadrangle, with covered pathways on each floor that went alongside the living rooms. These running long and open balconies, popularly known as verandahs, connected the four blocks around the rectangular inner courtyard (dalans) and they served a very useful purpose. They ensured that light and ventilation were available in all the rooms, unlike the present-day dwellings where some rooms hardly ever receive the sun’s rays or any breeze. We must remember that the climate of Bengal was and is still most unsuited to grandiose European architecture and even to the later cooped-up blocks of west-inspired buildings. Cross ventilation and protection from the elements were two prime necessities, long before the electric fans changed it all from the early decades of the twentieth century. The third major requirement was, of course, sunlight, but in controlled quantities.
 It is in this spirit that we need to view old Kolkata’s architecture, to locate how local problems and issues were addressed and certain adaptions made. The louvred windows or kharkharis, had slanting ‘blinds’ that were fixed to an upright wooden rod on the window’s sash (the little ‘door’ of a window) and these blinds could be manipulated with the upright rod — to control allow the light from outside to enter and the air or breeze to flow in. This is very Kolkatan, indeed, even though other tropical climes have also adapted it, the scale of its use in Bengal is quite overwhelming. Then, we come across large wooden screens covering the top half or more of the porch, bay or verandah in palatial buildings. These massive wooden boards, with fixed slanting Venetian blinds, were firmly joined to columns, shafts or cast iron pillars and they protected the inmates from the harsh glare or scorching heat of the sun. They also withstood gusty thunderstorms and lashing rains that are so characteristic of Bengal. Without them, the verandahs and the living rooms that were just beyond them would have been flooded with rain water or even filled with dust that come with unruly storms.   
 We may recall that the doors or windows (if any) of our traditional huts, cottages or even double-storied mud houses in our villages were indeed kept very small, so as to protect residents against the elements. The thick mud walls and high thatched roofs of these  indigenous buildings helped control the heat or the cold that prevailed outside. In any case, most men, children and older ladies preferred to sleep in the open courtyard, at least where commoners were concerned. This harmony with nature and adaptability are very integral parts of our heritage, though they hardly exist within the city of Kolkata, where masonry structures dominate. The moot point is that our traditional walls made with porous materials interacted continuously with the weather — cooling the interiors during summer and insulating us from the cold during winter. European plaster and cement, on the other hand, were meant for harsher climes and basically to repel the elements, that included icy cold winds, sleet and snow. Most western houses were sealed in places so as to retain warmth inside them and cut down many heating costs. When these elements were grafted into our buildings without imagination, the rooms in houses could become unimaginably stuffy or hot.
‘Heritage preservation’ does not, therefore, mean just gawking at past splendour, but appreciating the finer architectural elements that mark several aristocratic houses of the 18th and 19th century Kolkata. Many of these features are improvisations of the city and some are quite unlike their variants in other cities. Let us look at the khilan thakur dalan or pillared porch that arose from the rectangular courtyard located in the sadar mahal part the house. It was (and still is) quite prominent in several houses, like that of, say, of the fabulously rich comprador, Raja Nabakrishna Deb. His dalan was meant to house the family deity and also to accommodate the image of Durga during her worship in autumn. As we know, Deb started the ritual of inviting British civil and military officials to impress them with his Durga Puja, but we can be sure that white men came to this ‘heathen celebration’ not only to humour their factotum, but also to witness the Indian dancing girls, who were the star attraction. Wine and meat dishes flowed in abundance, as worship became secondary in Deb’s show of pomp and power. Much of this was against Hindu rituals, but his wealth had secured Deb the position of being the undisputed leader of the upper caste Hindu tradition in Kolkata.
These raised dalan platforms, that housed the deities, had thick load-bearing pillars in front of the rooms and were usually just one-storey high. Quite often, rooms that rose above the thakur dalan went up to two or three storeys and could be put to good use. Beautiful multi-floriated arches adorned and joined the upper part of these thick columns— serving as open doorways to view the deities. The number of such openings were usually three (teen khilan dalan) or five (panch khilan dalan). The plasters on the walls of these thick, short pillars were often highly ornamented and the floriated arches that joined them were copied by Kolkata’s aristocracy from late medieval terracotta temples of Bengal. The latter, in turn, had incorporated them, strangely enough, from Islamic architecture. The main raised sacred porch of the thakur dalan could have a ‘stage’-like space in front, but we find that a gentle flight of stairs led down to the central courtyard. These wonderful thakur dalans are still well preserved in most old houses, as no one would like to upset the family deity. Besides the Sovabajar Rajbari of the Deb family and its many branches, we come across excellent thakur dalans that have been preserved quite well till now in the mansions of the Tagores of Jorashanko (without images or deities), the Mitras of Darjipara, Jagatram Dutta of Nimtala, Dwarpanarayan Tagore in Pathuriaghaa, the Roys of Jorashanko and the Jhamapukur Rajbati. These excellent, typically-Bengali khilan thakur dalans of the grand buildings of north Kolkata are actually an architectural gift of Kolkata to the heritage of India, but sadly, few understand its significance.
  There is yet another architectural splendour of Kolkata that was once the envy of Sydney in Australia, which was incidentally linked to Kolkata by regular shipping lines. We also had other forms of exchanges, including the swapping of many colonial rulers that explains why so many roads and parks of Sydney and other cities of Australia (and New Zealand) are replete with names like Wellington, Wellesley, Auckland, Eden and Victoria. The architectural expression that I refer to is the exquisite cast iron sculpture that adorned the facades of many such buildings. They appeared on balconies, as balustrades (commonly known as railings), and were also prominent as gates and perimeter fences. Careful observers are amazed to see the fineness of the work and the most delicate designs that man could ever weave with iron. Quite often, large parts of such cast iron dreams are found to have been taken away and sold by weight and replaced by unimaginative factory-produced wrought iron. My friends and I have photographed quite a few of these and presented these visuals at talks overseas — to many a gasp of wonder. As the artisans of the foundries of Howrah were genetically more skilled, our cast iron grills are superior to many other such specimens in different parts of the world. But while Sydney still prizes its cast iron balustrades on its balconies and one can undertake heritage walks for to admire their sheer beauty, we have managed to destroy most of them. I think it is time to read the proud publications of Sydney on this subject, like Lacework in Iron —just to get inspired.  We may then focus not only on stucco, on plaster and on architectural styles but also on railings, balustrades, windows and of course wonderful doorways and marble flooring. And, by the way, a middle class adaption called red oxide flooring is another proud heritage of Kolkata’s architecture that we hardly notice.
But history moves relentlessly and many of the stately palaces have been pulled down, one by one, from the 1950s. While some were demolished for public convenience like the widening of roads and the first such example that comes to our mind is the Choudhurys palace of Saheb, Bibi, Ghulam — that had to make way for Central Avenue. Others were handed over to promoters, often by squabbling siblings and cousins, for constructing multi-storied flats, But each time a building with neo-classical features or rococo or even ostentatious baroque was ripped apart, we lost an irreplaceable specimen of colonial Bengals superb craftsmanship. What perhaps compensates a bit is profusion of western art deco architecture in central Kolkata in the 1930s — that gradually spread further south. World class architects, Ballardie, Thomson, and Mathews, introduced this new style that had taken America and Europe by storm. The sheer minimalist beauty that art deco and western modernist aesthetics exuded charmed several generations in the twentieth century. People had, in fact, become quite weary of being dominated by heavily ornamented neo-classical buildings and by other grand forms of imposing architecture of the preceding two centuries. The distinguishing features of the art deco style are simple, clean shapes, often with a ‘streamlined’ look, that bore very geometric bands of plaster on the outer surface, running either horizontally or vertically, and a marked preference for curved verandahs.
  Art deco architecture could flourish because new materials and technologies came into the market at the end of the 19th century and later. The arrival of reinforced concrete and light steel, for example, permitted the stylistic development and flexible appearance of art deco, as load-bearing pillars became less essential. Once constrictions like these were tackled, architects could experiment with more fluid forms and geometric designs — like sharp rectangles and squares that vied with equally pleasing curvatures. It was mainly after the First World War that art deco architecture, led by revolutionary masters like Le Corbusier led the movement in Paris, where its  Theatre des Champs-Elysées appeared to herald the Art Deco movement, New York’s art deco skyscrapers — like the Chrysler building, the Rockefeller Centre and the Empire State Building — dazzled the world.
   Kolkata got its first taste of art deco in the 1940s and 1950s, through the fascinating architecture of English movie halls like Metro, New Empire, Globe, Lighthouse, Roxy — and was simply overwhelmed. But since we are not discussing public buildings here, let us move to Elgin Road, Ballygunge and Alipore where the newer wealthy class, especially those from outside of Bengal, built their early art deco mansions. Architects like Arjun Ray constructed landmark buildings like the jahaj bari (house shaped like a ship) and art deco became more democratic as the middle class started copying the stylish circular covered verandahs and broad staircases of the bigger mansions. This salaried class consisted of educated people, who were often more qualified and better-read than the old rich of north Kolkata. They were the very core around which the post-Rabindranath, post-Saratchandra generations of litterateurs, artists, musicians and professors would expand and flourish. Many set up dwellings in the new urban areas that were opened up by the Calcutta Improvement Trust or by private developers like the Hindustan Cooperative of Nalini Ranjan Sarkar. The latter, incidentally, sold plots to qualified middle class home-seekers on Hindustan Park and Hindustan Road in the Rashbehari-Gariahat area. And, this is the area that has the maximum concentration of smaller three-storied or four-storied art deco residential buildings, sprawled all over Purna Das Road, Keyatala, Southern Avenue, and the many eponymous roads in the localities around the Dhakuria Lakes. 
 While the western world used art deco for gigantic public buildings, Kolkata adopted it eventually for smaller private residences. The west actually gave up this fashion after the Second World War, but Kolkata’s residential buildings were built in right earnest only after the War, in the 1950s and 1960s. These scaled down versions and modest art deco buildings of south Kolkata were called ‘Metro-style’ houses, and they are in sharp contrast to the ostentation of the palatial buildings of north Kolkata. These smaller buildings stand out even today with their own quiet dignity — often combining so effortlessly contrasting geometries, like sharply defined rectangular corners on one side with semi circular balconies and gently curved architecture on the other side. The part that covers the central staircase usually has glass panes all the way up to the top, running along the middle of the building. This vertical area is often decorated with raised lines or bands in geometric patterns, from top to bottom. Some even have a small flag stand on top, but no one knows why it is there. This art deco style has not yet acquired celebrity heritage status, as few really observe its sheer beauty. Besides, most heritage lovers are so fixated on the neo classical and other grander architecture of Kolkata, that they cannot get out of the groove. It is time we recognised smaller art deco residences as Kolkata’s unique contribution.
   We may consider it right for heritage lovers and connoisseurs of architecture to make whatever comment they want on others’ property, or for the preservation lobby to bemoan the destruction and rebuilding that come invariably with the passage of time. But we also need to understand that the owners need money to sustain uneconomically large buildings, and if the citys built heritage is to be preserved, then someone has to bear the burden. This economic logic is accepted and it explains why so many art deco buildings around the Rashbehari Avenue area have been reutilised Nd converted into upmarket boutiques, shops and quaint restaurants — without damaging their basic character. But when we consider the bigger problem of maintaining the huge mansions of north Kolkata, presuming of course that much of them are under the owner’s occupation, we need to consider large amount of funds. Let us, therefore, see how is it that other self-respecting countries or cities have managed to cling on to what they will never able to replace. One of the methods to save and preserve heritage is to provide state or municipal funding, but I do not think we should even discuss this subject in India. After 41 years in administration, I hardly know any municipal body in India that has not taken an active part in the destruction of the history and heritage of the very cities that were entrusted to them. 
One idea that I have been advocating for over two decades is the institution of a Lottery Fund. Most people hardly know that large parts of early Kolkata were built through public funds garnered by lotteries conducted by the East India Companys government. In fact, in 1817, the Company set up an official ‘Lottery Committee’ to raise money from citizens to plan and execute public projects. Some of the best examples of public roads in old Kolkata that were built with funds raised from public lotteries are Wellesley Street (Rafi Ahmed Kidwai Road), Wellington Street (Nirmal Chunder Street), College Street and Cornwallis Street (Bidhan Sarani) as well as Strand Road. Another building that was financed completely from such funds was the grand Town Hall of Kolkata. A new Kolkata Heritage Lottery Fund on the model of the successful United Kingdom Heritage Lottery Fund is quite feasible — to help owners of heritage buildings in Kolkata repair and re-utilise them. And, after all, citizens can buy these lottery tickets for a public cause, with no sense of guilt and still some hope to win jackpots. The UK Fund earns millions of pounds and these ultimately go to subsidise the maintenance of heritage buildings and historical areas. The Bank of China and HSBC take an active part in providing heritage funds for their cities in China. There are many such ideas which our government just needs to examine and decide. An Oversight Committee consisting of urban planning experts and architects, with no conflict of interest, can surely take over from that point, along with heritage conscious citizens — to maintain their own town’s heritage. At the same time public bodies need to observe the highest level of transparency, while they engage themselves in the task of saving every small part of the priceless and irreplaceable history of their communities, cities, state and the nation.
 Kolkata must also remember that while Delhi has four World Heritage Sites declared by the UNESCO and Mumbai, Chennai, Ahmedabad, Jaipur, Hyderabad all have such prestigious buildings of international fame, the grand old capital of British India, Kolkata, is yet to earn this award for even a single site. Since Kolkata does not have any notable architecture of the pre-colonial era, we could propose the Victoria Memorial or the Howrah Bridge or even Fort William to the UNESCO, Paris, for World Heritage stature — but this requires a lot of professional documentation. UNESCO’s rules mandate a large number of compliances and multiple dimensions — in order to maintain the purity of the original structure. These entail heritage consciousness and a fierce pride in the past that the citizens of most developed nations possess. We will require decades to instil this spirit among our citizens in this country and in this city, before we can even dream of taking up serious tasks of this nature. With every passing year, however, we lose some irreplaceable part of our architectural heritage.
   But we can always make a start — so let us begin, now.

Monday, 30 December 2019

The New Citizenship Law Has Ignited a Battle for India's Soul


The New Citizenship Law Has Ignited a Battle for India's Soul

By Jawhar Sircar
(The Wire, 30th December, 2019)

The sudden, unplanned outburst in many parts of India on the issue of citizenship is, no doubt, the first major agitation against Narendra Modi. For 5.5 years, the world’s largest democracy silently watched authoritarianism and communalism tighten their stranglehold, but now it appears to have found its voice back.
People who were distressed at the serial collapse of every public institution and bulwark of liberty and fair play, and had despaired at the death-wish of the Congress, the decimation of the Left and the listlessness of unimpressive opposition parties, have suddenly woken up, thanks to this spontaneous fury. Many media houses that were tirelessly manufacturing consent for the regime were compelled to take note.
Analysts feel that the recent agitation is not sufficiently broad-based, as it is led by students and the youth; that it is confined only to some urban centres and to the middle class, and is largely fired by one community. These accusations could have been true on December 15, when the movement started in Jamia Millia Islamia and Aligarh Muslim University, but the disproportionate brutality of the police action united thousands of non-Muslims all over India and broadened the base of the agitation.
We may also recall that the two mass uprisings that shook India in 1974-75, the Nav Nirman movement in Gujarat and Jayaprakash Narayan’s Sampoorna Kranti in Bihar, were also localised and led by the young, before really old men like Morarji Desai and JP took over. Frankly, it required the party-less, leaderless youth to muster both courage and recklessness to halt the invincible Ashwamedha horse whose yagna was celebrated by Modi-Shah, as soon as their batteries were recharged in May 2019.
The first five months of Modi 2.0 witnessed more depredations on India’s democracy and secularism, especially on the latter, than ever before. This year’s two sessions of parliament made a mockery of democratic discourse, as the regime’s brute majority in the Lok Sabha and floor management in the Rajya Sabha ensured that the bombardment that started with the triple talaq Bill never stopped.
Amendments were hustled through parliament to curb civil liberties and further strengthen the National Investigation Agency, to empower detention without ascribing reasons under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act and to emasculate the Right to Information Act. Other hastily-hustled laws introduced dangerous clauses in medical education and central universities, and legitimised Big Brother’s Aadhaar card.
But palpable shock waves rocked the nation in early August, and went far beyond, when Article 370 of the constitution was read down with undisguised relish by the Central government. Given the sui generis nature of Kashmir’s accession to India and the special guarantees given then, this article conferred some token autonomy to Jammu and Kashmir, but this was amputated without anaesthesia. Unprecedented numbers of armed forces were flown to ensure that any dissent by Kashmiris was totally overawed, even as their state was slashed into ‘union territories’ and deliberately degraded.
Mainstream India was too stunned to respond and the endless series of vindictive tax raids on opponents and peremptory arrests by the Central Bureau of Investigation appeared to have sent shivers regarding the ruthless, malicious style of governance.
Even before the nation could recover from the massive crushing of civil liberties in Kashmir came another trauma on August 31, when the National Register of Citizens (NRC) for Assam was published. It took 50,000 government officials ten long years to prepare this register, and it cost the people of India some Rs 1,200 crore, even if we remain silent on the corruption and sheer harassment that accompanied this programme.
In the last few years, the Supreme Court had taken upon itself the task of regular monitoring this very difficult exercise to weed out infiltrators, but when 19 lakh people, most of them Hindu Bengalis, were excluded from the Register, everyone was upset. Those who had targeted ‘Bangladeshi Muslims’ were disappointed at the small number caught in the net, while those who were left out were shattered – especially as ‘detention centres’, inspired surely by Nazi concentration camps, were being built for them.
Flare-ups took place in Assam but before we reach the next phase of unrest, let us recall how the Supreme Court had fast-tracked hearings and submissions to resolve the vexatious issue of Ayodhya before a chief justice retired, which is rather odd. The same court had put on hold critical decisions on the constitutionality of the blitzkrieg in Kashmir and severe human rights issues. The court’s verdict of November 9, which effectively handed over the disputed plot to Hindus, was based on non-watertight evidence, but it may have ensured that majoritarian violence did not break out, as it had in 1992-93 and in 2002. Or, maybe the perpetrators of the mentioned riots had sheathed their swords as, after all, they got what they wanted – ‘Mandir wahin banayege (We will build the temple at that spot).’
Naturally, disconcerting whispers also arose and many criticised what they considered to be a capitulation before majoritarianism. A lot of angst would, however, surely have been taken care of if only the honourable court had issued a deadline, as it had done to ensure land for the temple and mosque, for the time-bound finalisation of criminal cases, that are dragging for a quarter century, and punish those who openly vandalised Babri Masjid. After all, the apex court had severely condemned it, and what better could we  expect if action had accompanied words?
But let us move on to the tipping point, which came finally in mid-December when the regime gloated about successfully passing the amendment to the Citizenship Act of 1955. Though it spoke sentimentally of wiping the tears of persecuted minorities who were seeking refuge in Mother India, the undisguised target was the legitimisation of discrimination against Muslims. Strategically, Hindu and other non-Muslim refugees from three Muslim countries were chosen for this favour and four other neighbours were left out.
It was, however, the promise-cum-threat issued repeatedly by home minister Amit Shah that the Assam-type gruelling NRC survey would be extended to other parts of India, that led to the sudden explosion of popular wrath. At this stage, we also need to understand that the causes for protests in Assam, Tamil Nadu, West Bengal and the rest of India are quite distinct from each other. The Assamese, who are paranoid about being outnumbered by Bengalis, are up in arms against the BJP and its CAA for trying to ‘regularise’ Hindu Bengali immigrants who were left out by the NRC. They feared that many more Bangladeshi Hindu refugees will be given citizenship and upset Assad’s precarious demographic balance.
On the other hand, Tamils are agitating mainly against the omission of Lankan Tamil refugees in this Christmas gift, though some are also against religious discrimination. The ruling party in Bengal, that has organised massive all-community protests, aims to further consolidate its base among the minority community. It also highlights the terror that NRC evokes – of bureaucratic harassment, corruption and heartlessness – to win over the majority.
The semiotics in the battle are interesting. The national flag has, for instance, been snatched back by the agitators from the ultra-nationalists, who had appropriated it quite brazenly. Historically, this Sangh parivar had virulently opposed the Indian tricolour at the time of our independence and had continued to insult it until Sardar Patel compelled them to accept the nation’s flag. Muslims, who were being repeatedly grilled and heckled for the last five years about their loyalty to India, are now proudly waving national flags as their response, as part of the citizenship agitation.
Students in Delhi and elsewhere are also innovating several Gandhian techniques like, say, offering flowers to policemen and trying to reach their hearts. National and patriotic songs are now the weapons of the weak as they stand up to the grossly inhuman viscousness let loose by the regime in Delhi, Uttar Pradesh, Karnataka and Assam, where their hegemony prevails.
But then, this reminds us of similar outbursts of patriotism that we had seen in the protests in Delhi after the Jyoti Singh gangrape and murder, in 2012-13. We can hardly forget how countless young men and women had responded to Anna Hazare’s call against corruption and had brought the capital city and other parts of India to a halt. They had given fresh life to forgotten Gandhi caps, but the lasting result of their agitation and sacrifice is that a crafty Arvind Kejriwal has been catapulted to power and a publicity-crazy Kiran Bedi sits in the overrated chair of a Lieutenant Governor.
But attacking a doddering liberal-secular government in India then is different from taking on the present breed of ruthless megalomaniacs, who stop at nothing. No one can predict how long the public anger will be sustained and how the Modi-Shah duo will retort, and with what ferocity and vindictiveness. One prays that communal conflicts do not break out in this charged atmosphere or are even manufactured to split the movement. Some say that a war-like attack in Pakistan-occupied Kashmir could also distract attention from civil protests, as belligerence always pumps patriotic adrenaline.
The protest that was lit by students of two central universities and may have been taken up first by Muslims, as they were/are the targets of Hindu extremists, has certainly metamorphosed into a general revolt. It is now a movement of the young, not only against unfair religious discrimination, but also against authoritarianism and against cutting of funding and interfering in education. Economic failures and increased joblessness are also stoking dissent, finally.
The fact is, however, that our liberal secular forces have remained content with signing righteous petitions, writing strong articles and holding debates on television or within safe surroundings. Liberals in neighbouring Bangladesh, on the other hand, had to combat brutal authoritarianism and religious fanaticism much and more directly. From 1989, they organised massive Mangal Shobha-jatra rallies as anti-Ershad protests by secular forces and continue to bring out these mammoth demonstrations every year on April 14, as evidence of their war on Islamic obscurantism.
In February 2013, several thousand intellectuals, teachers and street-shy middle class professionals gathered spontaneously at Shahbagh in Dhaka and demonstrated for days on end, compelling their government to hang Islamic fundamentalists, who were guilty of murder and rape. The Religious Right was taken aback by the scale of protest and the determination of secular democratic forces, that withstood physical attacks – thanks to the bold youth brigade that had joined the secular chorus.
Whatever be the results of the present CAA-NRC movement, the first gashes and scars that have been inflicted will not be easy to hide. Modi’s hypnotic charm, created through his glib, sweet-talking series of lies and fanned largely by well-paid corporate marketing and media professionals and amoral strategists, is finally broken. Those who were aghast to see India’s youth following him like the pied piper and heaping their votes in his favour are finally relieved.
The moot point we need to remember is that different sets of Indians had voted for different Modis – as India’s multi-purpose saviour or Kalki Avatar; as Mister Clean who would bring black money from Swiss banks; as the poor tea-server who symbolised humility; as the determined anti-dynast who lived a frugal existence; as the great patriot who would elevate India’s position to the highest level; as the warrior who would smash terrorism; as the economic Midas who would usher in revolutionary liberalisation; as Santa Claus who would distribute millions of jobs; as the heroic, aggressive leader of the Hindu ‘nation’ and as the dreaded nemesis of ‘pampered Muslims’ who would show them their place.
Every time this multi-rooted banyan around Modi is shaken by protest, as now, different self-contradictory elements get jolted out and disaggregate themselves from this contrived conglomerate of power – that money, cadres, oratory and chutzpah aggregated. As repression increases and brave-hearts face the brunt, different and differing heterogeneous groups are compelled to come together in their united struggle against authoritarianism and communalism. That is the lasting contribution of each such mass movement towards the strengthening our democratic tradition.
Ugly majoritarian fanatics who were conferred legitimacy by Modi and his ilk will, however, continue to bark and troll – even among the most educated or prosperous circles. At the end of the day, we must realise that even after seven decades, India is still a process, not a product. More important is the harsh fact that this India has space for only one idea to prevail, hopefully the plural one.



Friday, 27 December 2019

Calcutta needs an art museum


                                 Calcutta needs an art museum

                                       Jawhar  Sircar

                                 (The Telegraph, 26 December 2019)


        It is quite surprising that the claimed cultural capital of India does not have one worthwhile art museum or an international-standard exhibition space for painting, photography and other forms of visual arts. While the Biswa Bangla complex does the city proud, it is not meant for art, like, say, the National Gallery of Modern Art (NGMA). This art museum is at its grandest in Delhi, but Mumbai and Bengaluru also have scaled-down NGMAs. Kolkata was obviously bypassed for the fourth NGMA, surprisingly without protest. When, however, the first-ever exhibition of Picassos art in India gave Kolkata a miss in 2001-02, as the city had no large gallery of globally acceptable specifications, it really hurt. Disappointed art lovers got together and set up a Trust, with government blessings — to ensure that a world class Kolkata Museum of Modern Art (K-MoMA) came up. But, despite several attempts over the last 17 years, the project has not succeeded.

          So, where does the large and vibrant community of artists go? Frankly, the only public spaces available are the politics-ridden and archaic Academy of Fine Arts, the rather-small and improperly lit Gaganendranath Pradarshanshala nearby, a Rabindra Tirtha in far-away New Town and an unknown Priyambada art gallery somewhere. We have many private art galleries like the Birla Academy, but there is a critical need for a grand public museum of art and affordable exhibition spaces. It just happens that a large and magnificent neo-classical architecture is ready — the historic ‘Belvedere House’ of Alipur. It stands where Mir Jafar built his mansion in 1760-62. Beginning with Warren Hastings, dozens of governors and viceroys have occupied the old or the reconstructed palace. It is best known, however, for the National Library that was housed here, from 1953. The snobbish ‘hall of entrance’ then became the mundane ‘card catalogue room’ and the teak-floored, gilded baroque ballroom metamorphosed into a ‘reading room’. After the library moved in 2005 to the mediocre Bhasa Bhavan next door, the ancient building fell into disrepair, till the culture ministry intervened n 2009-10 to restore it. But as soon as the decade-long restoration was complete, the presiding babus of the ministry decided, without any consultation, to fill up this priceless space with some unexciting antiquities of the Indian Museum. They also installed a lonesome digital exhibitionof four greats, meant primarily to equate Shayamaprasad Mookerjee with Tagore and Netaji. This re-utilisation is quite contrary to what the city’s own, more knowledgeable personalities from culture and academia had proposed in 2010-11. One idea was for a ‘Museum of the Word’ to demonstrate the spread of knowledge, and this can still be organised in the unused ground floor. In fact, Belvedere House is the best NGMA that Kolkata could dream of and it has almost ready exhibition galleries, plus adequate storage space. Besides, the enviable art collections lying with the city’s aristocratic families are simply crying out for restoration and display. The real bonus is easy parking.

        That brings us to the second restored historic building of the culture ministry in Kolkata — the Old Currency Building, set up in 1833. The obvious problems of parking and pedestrian entry dissuaded us from planning any major public re-use of this beautiful triple storied Italian style palazzo. Its large Venetian windows are really regal, as are the original and almost-intact exquisite floral cast-iron architecture. Located at the south-eastern corner of BBD Bagh, it once housed the Agra Bank and later the Reserve Bank’s Currency division. The ministry has announced, again rather unilaterally, that the NGMA of Kolkata would be located here — while more valuable space at the Belvedere is so grossly mis-utilised. Delhi’s policy makers must understand that it is extremely difficult for people to cut through the never-ending lines of menacing buses to reach the building’s entrance, and also that parking is impossible.

      There is yet a third masterpiece of neo classical architecture, the Metcalfe House, at the crossing of Hare Street and Strand Road. Completed in 1844, this stately building with impressive Corinthian columns has hosted almost every notable leader of the Bengal Renaissance. Thanks to an enthusiastic culture secretary, who worked here and knows Kolkata, its restoration work is commendable — but its re-use plan is quite a let-down. An expensive permanent gallery entitled Ami Kolkata was hurriedly set up on the first floor, with exhibits like a rickshaw and a country boat, that can hardly set hearts fluttering. The malaise lies in a unilateral top-down, ‘must wow’ thinking, arising out of a mistaken sense of proprietorship, that temporary custodians of national properties must abjure. After all, enthusiasm and public funds must also be accompanied by public consultation, to ensure effective utilisation.





Thursday, 5 December 2019

The City and Its Architecture


The City and Its Architecture

Jawhar Sircar

Take on India (art journal), Special issue on Bengal
Vol 4, no 3, 3 Dec, 2019


            It is only natural for Kolkata to have some of the finest specimens of colonial architecture. After all, it enjoyed the status of being, for one and half centuries, the capital of the British Empire in India and of the East India Company’s Dominions, prior to that. We may marvel at the Gothic architecture of the High Court and St Paul’s Cathedral as great examples of this class. Unlike Mumbai’s Fort area, however, Kolkata does not too many outstanding Gothic buildings. It has quite a few Neo Classical buildings like the Cossipore Club, the Sanskrit College on College Street, as also the Metcalfe Hall, the Commercial Library and the Town Hall — all three of which are in the central BBD Bagh area, known earlier as Dalhousie Square. Others in this area, like the Old Silver Mint and even the main block and entrance of Writers’ Buildings have typical Greek or Roman columns, capitals, architraves, friezes. and have a classic triangular pedimenta on top.

        All the major forms of Graeco-Roman classical columns are in abundance, not only in government or institutional buildings, but in many old aristocratic family homes of north Kolkata. For example, the General Post Office, the National Insurance Building and the Metcalfe House, all in the BBD Bagh zone have gorgeous Corinthian capitals to crown their impressive columns or shafts. The Indian Museum on Chowringhee (now known as Jawaharlal Nehru Sarani), the Sadharan Brahmo Samaj building on Bidhan Sarani and the Ghari Bari on Chitpur Road also have fine specimens of this column. So commonplace is this style that even an ordinary bathing ghat on Strand Road, like Moti Seal’s, has them, though it is doubtful if the bathers ever look up to appreciate the decorative foliage. Ionic columns are also plentiful, as on the Raj Bhavan, Calcutta University’s Darbhanga Building on College Street and the Lohia Hospital on Chitpur Road, while simpler Doric or Tuscan columns are the most common. There is an interesting combination that several old churches in Kolkata had adopted and that was to build a complete classical building that looked like a Greek temple, which were utterly pagan, and then construct a tall spire with a cross on top of it, to indicate that it was a Christian church. The best examples I can give are the St. John’s Church and St. Andrew’s Kirk, both in the BBD Bagh area, as well as St. Thomas’ Church attached to Loretto College and the Sacred Heart Church on Dharmatala (Lenin Sarani).

      Domes decorate the roof corners of impressive buildings with mixed European architecture like the Metropolitan Building of the LIC ( formerly Whiteway Laidlaw Stores) on Chowringhee and the Esplanade Mansions opposite the East Gate of Raj Bhavan are excellent examples. The latter, incidentally, has tell-tale signs of Art Nouveau architecture that was so popular at the end of the 19th and early 20th centuries. While the very Roman dome of the GPO dominates the landscape, the Mercantile Building and Gillander House close to it in BBD Bagh also have impressive domes. As Kolkata’s masonry buildings did not need or have sloping or gabled roofs, Georgian architecture was not in fashion, though large institutional or public buildings like Writers’ Buildings or the Accountant General’s office do have black, utilitarian tar-felted sloping mansards covering a part of their flat balustraded roofs.

     Other forms of European, or more specifically, British architecture, are also quite visible, especially in Central Kolkata and a little to the south that were part of the old ‘White Town’. Massive red exposed-brick architecture, laced with cream-coloured sandstone on cornices and decorative lines, were extremely popular. This is evident from Writers’ Buildings, Eastern Railway Building, the Foreign Post Office, Accountant General’s Office, Government of India Press, Royal Insurance building and the Postal Museum — all of which are located in the BBD Bagh and within walking distance of each other. Even beyond, we come across very impressive such buildings of exposed brick in the Chowringhee area, like the Chowringhee Mansions and Kanak Building (formerly the Army and Navy Stores). The YMCA building, not too far away, and the Government Art College, which is also quite close, also belong to this category. The exposed red brick style was adopted by numerous institutions and residences in north Kolkata as well. We see it in the Brahmo Balika and Deaf and Dumb schools near Maniktala. Even in the south-central Kolkata, we have Shambhunath Pandit Hospital in the same style.

     Towards the beginning of the 20th century, we find that many commercial buildings in central Kolkata dispensed with grand neo classical and similar sprawling buildings and made maximum use of floor space by cutting down bays, arcades, cloisters or large verandas — even though the hot, humid climate of Kolkata demanded open spaces and cross ventilation. Instead, they came up with buildings that rose straight upwards, directly from the pavements, with long symmetrical facades. Their ground floors were almost invariably rusticated, i.e., had deep decorative grooves that ran horizontally. If they had Venetian windows with circular arches above them, then the grooves matched them. They flaunted classical columns on their corners or at intervals along the facade, either to bear loads or as pilaster decorations. Macleod House, Wallace House, Stephen House and Martin Burn House in BBD Bagh are good specimens of such architecture, as are several buildings on Central Avenue, from Dharmatala to Bow Bazar.

     Prosperous Indians of north Kolkata, however, copied a lot of European styles to lend grandeur to their mansions and to overawe visitors. Very often, so many styles and elements were combined that it makes categorisation difficult. Baroque plaster or stucco decorations were in great demand and stately classical columns would often be capped with  excessively carved floral and leafy designs on the pediments or facades. These foreign elements were combined with the very local need to have a clear separation between the road-facing main building (sadar mahal) and the female quarters (andar mahal), hidden from public view. It was, therefore, essential to have a quadrangular courtyard so that the two quarters could be separate, and yet be joined by narrower buildings on two sides of the quadrangle, with covered verandahs and rooms. Light and ventilation would then be ensured in all the rooms. Special attention needs to be paid to a few local adaptions, like the louvred wooden screens that covered the top half or more of the porch, bay or verandah. These massive wooden boards, with slanting but fixed Venetian blinds, were firmly joined to the neo classical columns, shafts or cast iron pillars. This was to  protect inmates against the scorching sun and gusty thunderstorms that would have flooded the verandahs and living rooms just beyond them. After all, the climate of Bengal is most unsuited to grandiose European architecture, as the doors or windows (if any) of the traditional huts, cottages or even double-storied mud houses were indeed very small, to protect residents against the elements. Thick mud walls and high thatched roofs helped control the outside temperatures, but most men, children and older ladies preferred to sleep in the open courtyard, at least where commoners were concerned.

      When the middle class of Kolkata started moving into masonry buildings, and electricity including fans had not reached the city, cross ventilation of the stuffy rooms was essential. Hence the louvres or wooden Venetian blinds were retained on the smaller windows, but could be opened or shut, to prevent heat or rain and allow some breeze in. These are famous in Bengal, as the kharkhori. This is a distinctive feature of houses in Kolkata and Bengal that were built till the 1960s, when the electric fan reached middle class homes. An element of Kolkata’s architecture, that was comparable to Sydney— the two great cities of the British Empire, incidentally, had regular ships plying between them — was the intricately designed cast-iron balustrades and gates. They are called ‘verandah railings’ locally, but verandahs were actually meant the balconies that jutted outwards from the walls or constructions. Railings meant the usually-wooden lining on which one leaned, running on top of the the cast iron balustrades, that were fixed erect from the extended masonry balconies. The foundries of Howrah produced these cast iron balustrades for balconies and guards on the margins of staircases, as they lent, beauty, dignity, strength and lasted very long. Wonderful geometric, floral and other artistic patterns were created by cast iron makers at the request of their patrons and leafy vines or even family crests or coat of arms were quite popular. I have used the past tense as towards the middle of the twentieth century, cheaper inferior and less artistic wrought iron balustrades replaced them in smaller houses. The old balustrades still exist on many an ancient building of Kolkata, largely rusted and uncared for, but they give an idea of olden times and lost glory.

       There is yet another architectural element that is seen in almost every aristocratic house of the 18th and 19th century Kolkata. It was most prominent in the house of the fabulously rich Raja Nabakrishna Deb, who made his fortune after conspiring with the British in the Battle of Plassey. His khilan thakur dalan or pillared porch arose from the rectangular courtyard in the sadar mahal the house. It was meant to house the family deity and also accommodate goddess Durga during her worship in autumn. Deb started the ritual of inviting British civil and military officials to impress them with his Durga Puja, but we can be sure that the white men came to this ‘heathen celebration’ not only to humour their factotum, but also to witness the Indian dancing girls, who were the star attraction. Wine and meat flowed in abundance, as worship became secondary in Deb’s show of pomp and power. All this was against Hindu rituals, but his wealth had secured Deb the position of being the undisputed leader of the upper caste Hindu tradition in Kolkata. These raised platforms, housing the deities, had thick load-bearing pillars in front, that were one-storey high, as the house above them usually went up to three storeys. Beautiful arches adorned and joined the upper part of these columns— serving as open doorways to view the deities. The number of such openings were usually three (teen khilan dalan) or five (panch khilan dalan). The plaster on the walls, the thick, short pillars and the arches was often ornamented and the multi-floriated arches were copied from the late medieval terracotta temples that had incorporated them from Islamic architecture. The raised sacred porch led down to the central courtyard through a  gentle flight of stairs. These wonderful thakur dalans are still well preserved in most old houses, as no one would like to upset the family deity.  Though there are no idols kept in the very Brahmo house of Rabindranath Tagore and his ancestors in Jorasanko, the porch and the paved quadrangle are very impressive. These are utilised by Rabindra Bharati University that is housed there, for its events and performances. Besides the houses of the Sovabajar Rajbari (Deb family’s), those of the Mitras of Darjipara, of Jagatram Dutta of Nimtala, of Dwarpanarayan Tagore in Pathuriaghaa, of the Roys of Jorasanko and the Jhamapukur Rajbati — all of which are in north Kolkata — flaunt excellent, typically-Bengali khilan thakur dalans.

          The last feature that we may observe needs to be introduced properly as it is still not included as a very unique style of architecture of south Kolkata. I refer to Art Deco that stormed the western world between the two world wars. From the 1930s, architect firms like Ballardie, Thomson & Mathews introduced Art Deco to Kolkata and by the 1940s, iconic structures came up — like the English movie theatres: Metro, Globe, New Empire, Roxy and Lighthouse. Several other local theatres of north Kolkata. The characteristic features of the style reflected admiration for the modernity of the machine and for the inherent design qualities of machine-made objects, e.g., relative simplicity, planarity, symmetry, and unvaried repetition of elements. The distinguishing marks of the style are simple, clean shapes, often with a “streamlined” look that conveyed geometric symmetry — which replaced the grand ostentatious older buildings. While the western world used Art Deco for public buildings and gave up the fashion after the Second World War, Kolkata’s residential buildings adopted it only in the 1950s and 1960s. This style was in vogue in the newly-built localities of south Kolkata. The upper middle class or new rich for used it for their bungalows in the Alipore area and for large four storied houses in New Alipore. The three storied Art Deco buildings (sometimes four storied) are in plenty on Lake Road-Southern Avenue. The rest of the salary earners had their own scaled down versions for their modest homes in the areas on both sides of  Rashbehari Avenue-Gariahat and in Ballygunge. These Art Deco buildings, that were called ‘Metro-style’ houses, had curved semicircular balconies or verandahs, with horizontal bands running on the sides as stepped cornice lines. At times, they had vertical lines of varying lengths down the middle, in perfect geometric shapes. Clean, sharp defined rectangular corners on one side could happily coexist with semi circular balconies and gently curved architecture on the other side. The central staircase usually had glass panes all the way up the top, running along the middle of the building, with a small flag stand on top. This style has not yet acquired celebrity heritage status, as few observe its sheer beauty and everyone is so fixated on the neo classical and other grander architecture of Kolkata. It is time we recognised smaller Art Deco residences as Kolkata’s unique contribution.




Monday, 14 October 2019

When Did Durga Become Bengali ?


         When Did Durga Become Bengali ?

Jawhar Sircar
Ananda Bazar Patrika 27 Sept ‘19
English version

            All Bengalis here love Durga, but only few realise that Bengal’s Durga is uniquely Bengali and her form, agenda and legend are quite different from the rest of India. First of all, Durga never comes anywhere in autumn with her whole family and secondly, she is not greeted in other regions as the loving daughter of a whole people, not just Menaka’s. To understand the riddles, we need to appreciate the dichotomous characteristics of why a benign mother arrives as an angry belligerent warrior goddess before her own mother. Let us also understand why her grown up children simply look the other way, when Durga is fighting her life-or-death battle.

        History tells us that Durga Puja was started on a grand scale in medieval Bengal by the first batch of Hindu zamindars appointed by Jahangir and his Subahdars like Kansanarayan of Taherpur and Bhabananda Majumdar of Nadia, both Brahmans. This was in the second decade of the 17th century and the oldest pujas of this phase would be just four centuries old, if they survived. After Jahangir and Shah Jahan, the next Muslim ruler to entrust loyal Hindu upper caste Bengalis as collectors of revenues, was Murshid Quli Khan and his successors nawabs. This was  in the early part of the 18th century, but many switched allegiance to the British after the Battle of Plassey. In fact, Raja Nabakrishna Deb celebrated Clive’s treacherous victory just three months later, by holding a grand Durga Puja with naach girls and flowing wine. The point is that these zamindars were encouraged by all three sets of masters to expand cultivable land at any cost and they needed to drive out buffalos from the wet lowlands and swamps where the best Aman paddy could grow. Durga’s slaying of the Mahishasura was invoked, which explains why the poor bleeding creature required to be dragged to her mother’s house. But as Brahmanism emphasised on the Puranic legend of her tireless battle against dark forces, she had also to be in her trademark warrior dress, with arms, even on her four days’ annual leave. Then, landlords needed Durga to demonstrate their own power to fickle peasants, who would desert their zamindaris if the terms did not suit them or they were starving during the frequent famines. 

      These contradictions were, however, noticed by the 19th century poet,  Dasharathi Ray, whose Menaka  screams:
“Oh, Giri! Where is my daughter, Uma?
    Who have you brought into my courtyard? 
       Who is this ferocious female warrior?”

Rashikchandra Ray also echoes Menaka’s sentiment:
“ Giri, who is this woman in my house?
She cannot be my darling Uma.”

        The Bengali Durga had also to accommodate the pressure of the common folk who insisted on visualising her as a good ‘mother’ with a happy ‘family’. Incidentally, Kartik and Ganesh had emerged as independent gods with their long history of evolution from non-Aryan culture. The former arose from the Dravidian tradition of Murugan, Aramugam, Senthil or Subhramania, where he is a pre-puberty boy-god (not a virile adult), while Ganesh or gana-eesha, god of the short, ugly ganas surely emerged from indigenous roots. Both were converted into Durga’s sons by the Shiva Purana and the Skanda Purana. They made their first ‘guest appearance’ in Bengal, standing next to Durga, in the 12th century icons found at Nao-Gaon in Rajshahi and Comilla’s Dakshin Muhhamadpur. But Lakshmi and Saraswati were more problematic, because as Vishnu’s consort, Sri or Lakshmi is actually ‘older’ than Durga and Saraswati was already associated with Brahma. Eventually, under pressure from the Bengali masses, all four went through age reduction to qualify as Durga’s children, even without proper adoption certificates. Patriarchal Brahmanism was actually relieved to ‘domesticate‘ the warrior goddess, who could give women wrong notions of feminine independence and it was safer to bind her to her home, with four children. Now, we understand why they are looking away from the battle scene, as no fresh Puranic stories were composed in late medieval Bengal to legitimise their role in the deadly war over Asuras.

            Let us remember that these nine days in autumn are observed as Navaratri all over India, to worship Ram’s battle not Durga’s, with proper fasting and sparse regimented diets. But Bengalis must always differ and they feast during this joyous period. The Ramayana connection with Durga was brought in by an enterprising Bengali, Krittivas Ojha, and while Dushera celebrates Ram’s victory over Ravan in India, our Dashami commemorates Ma Durga’s final victory. In reality however, pathos rules the Bengalis that day because their daughter Durga and her family must bid a tearful farewell. Fertility worship, that starts with Ganesh’s kola-bou (banana plant worship) now ends with sindoor-khela which has emerged as a new stylish motif of modern Bengali women.

         We just cannot end without mentioning how the royal lion was invoked by the new class of zamindars, as a symbol of power, replacing the pan-Indian ‘Durga’ who rides a familiar tiger. The only problem was that no Bengali had ever seen a lion and therefore all traditional pujas invariably depicted Durga’s vahan as a horse or some other creature. It was only in the late 19th century that Bengali artisans could craft a lion that looked like one, because the Calcutta zoo imported two for display. But soon thereafter, nationalists replaced zamindars and started collective sarvajanin pujas to ensure public participation for their cause.  This barowari phase continues, but Durga moved from zamindars to the new petit bourgeoisie and later became the ‘annual social mixing’ platform of the better-off but aloof professionals and business strata who occupied apartment buildings. In this century, Durga finally metamorphosed as the near-monopoly of the subaltern class that seized power.  



Preserving Kolkata's Heritage


PRESERVING KOLKATA’S HERITAGE
Jawhar Sircar
Urbana October 2019

When the Grecian pillars and the imposing pediment of the Senate Hall of Calcutta University were being demolished in 1960, little did Kolkata know that it was not tearing down a building: it was actually ripping out a bone from one of its very ribs, that protected its pulsating heart.   Very few protested and ABP brought out a sepia-tint poster of this demolition which hangs in my house in Kolkata, with the legend focusing on the workmen, “Forgive them, for they knew not what they were doing; But some did, and did not care!”
It sums up the tragedy of the “second city of the Empire” that housed not only some of the finest edifices of the colonial period which would make any citizen of the world feel at home. It also boasted one of the largest numbers of palatial buildings for which it was once called “the City of Palaces”.  The wealth that flowed into the city from the early part of 19th century and continued unabated for the next 120 to 130 years assured that allocable surpluses to the ruling classes, as well as to their British overlords, and a sizeable part of this found itself in the magnificent mansions. 
One by one, they were pulled down from the 1950s, either for public conveniences or sometimes for widening of roads, like Choudhury’s palace of Sahib, Bibi or Gulam had to make way for Central Avenue. Others were handed over to promoters for building multi-storey flats, often by squabbling siblings. But each time a building with neo-classical features or rococo or even ostentatious baroque was ripped apart, we lost an irreplaceable specimen of colonial Bengal’s superb craftsmanship.  Even after independence and CIT’s expansion of the city, art decors sprawled and became common place.  Thus few of us realised what these architectural specimen means to eyes that are tired of ungainly boxed buildings of all sizes in the same tinted glass and concrete.
I was trying to photograph some of the exquisite cast iron sculptures that adorned the facades of many such buildings, either as balconies or balustrades, and one is amazed to find the finest and the most delicate designs that man could ever weave with iron.  Quite often large parts of such cast iron dreams are found to have been taken away and sold by weight and replaced by unimaginative factory produced wrought iron.  I think it is time to focus not only on stucco and on plaster and on architectural styles but also on railings, balustrades, windows and of course wonderful doorways and marble flooring.  Unless we educate ourselves on what they mean and how valuable they are, how would we know what we destroy at periodic intervals?
But is it all right for connoisseurs to make whatever comment they want on somebody else’ property or for heritage lovers to bemoan the passage of time and necessary modernisation? Don’t the owners need money to sustain uneconomically large buildings, so that the city’s heritage can be preserved at the cost of someone else who has to bear the burden? This logic is accepted. But how is it other self-respecting countries or cities manage to cling on to what they will never able to replace?  One of the methods to save heritage is to provide state or municipal funding, but I do not think we should even discuss this subject in India.  After 40 years in administration, I hardly know any municipal body in India that has not taken an active part in the destruction of the history and heritage of the very cities that were entrusted to them. 
One idea that comes to my mind is that of a ‘Lottery Fund’.  Let us not forget that large parts of early Kolkata were built through by lotteries conducted by the Company’s government and one of the best examples of these is the Strand Road that was financed completely from such funds.  The UK has its Heritage Lottery Fund to which citizens can contribute with no sense of guilt and some hope of win.  It earns millions, but its funds ultimately go to subsidised maintenance of heritage buildings and historical areas. Bank of China and HSBC take an active part in providing heritage funds for their cities in China.  There are many such ideas which government just needs to clear and citizens can take over from that point, to maintain their own heritage. At the same time public bodies need to observe the highest level of transparency, while they absorb themselves in the task of saving every small part of priceless and irreplaceable history of their communities, cities, State and the nation.
 Kolkata must remember that while Delhi has four World Heritage Sites declared by the UNESCO and Mumbai, Chennai, Ahmedabad, Jaipur, Hyderabad all have such prestigious buildings of international fame, the grand old capital of British India, Kolkata, is yet to earn this award for even a single site. Since Kolkata does not have any notable architecture of the pre-colonial era, we could propose the Victoria Memorial or the Howrah Bridge or even Fort William to UNESCO, Paris, for World Heritage statue — but that requires a lot of documentation of multiple dimensions and maintaining the purity of the original structure. These entail a heritage consciousness and pride to be existing or developed among the citizens of this city — which is missing where serious tasks of this nature are concerned.
   But we can always make a start — so let us begin, now.

Tuesday, 17 September 2019

What ails the Indian Administrative Service


What ails the Indian Administrative Service

By Jawhar Sircar
(Published in The Telegraph, 17th September, 2019)

What ails the Indian Administrative Service? This is precisely the question that has been raised in the book by N.C. Saxena, a role-model IAS officer who helped stop Vedanta’s mining project from decimating Odisha’s forests and tribal habitats. A prominent member of the almost extinct breed of scholar-administrators, Saxena also asks ‘why it [IAS] fails to deliver’ and tries to address, as honestly as possible, the issues that most bureaucrats would either deny or avoid.

Another relevant issue is that young IAS officers have started to resign against the “denial of fundamental rights” to Kashmiris and because “democracy’s building blocks are being compromised”. It is true that their number is not large. Nor is this the first time that IAS officers have resigned on moral grounds. But never have their reasons been so sharply critical and so upsetting as to invite immediate vitriolic reactions from both the government and the ruling party.

Returning to Saxena’s two very pertinent questions, let us first allay any apprehension that the quality of entrants has come down. In our time more than four decades ago, around one lakh candidates appeared for the Union Public Service Commission examination for just 150 or 160 posts in the IAS and the Indian Foreign Service. Nowadays, almost 12 lakh candidates pay for and register to compete in the civil services examination out of whom only 1,200 applicants qualify. Less than 200 make it to the IAS and the IFS, with the remaining getting into other coveted Central services. A large number of graduates and postgraduates from the Indian Institutes of Technology, Indian Institute of Management and the best medical and professional colleges are leaving lucrative jobs to join the IAS ‘to serve the nation’. Why then do most people consider the Indian bureaucracy led by the IAS to be inefficient, corrupt and negative?
A major reason for this is that antiquated rules determine what civil servants should do and how to go about their tasks. These are almost impossible to change unless the highest authorities have the political will to cut the ‘Gordian knot’ — as we did in 1991 to usher in economic liberalization. Bright juniors are always made to fall in line by ‘seasoned’ seniors who have suffered for questioning the system or are too timid to protect those who stand up against unjust rules and political muscle. In fact, what the IAS, IPS and top Central officers do not admit is that they cannot control the vast majority of inspectors, field functionaries, clerks, peons and constables who actually run the colossus called the government. Those who meddle too much surely face internal sabotage and personal devastation. Vigilance enquiries based on false allegations, often abetted by vengeful powers from above, harass bureaucrats for years. Although some IAS officers are surely corrupt, one can safely certify that most of them are not. But the bigger percentage is more dangerous — it is just too ‘user friendly’ to politicians and their business cronies.

Democracy mandates that the political class shall rule, but unlike Jawaharlal Nehru or Vallabhbhai Patel who encouraged critical, professional advice from officers, the Indira regime and the ones that succeeded it seized absolute power and tolerated no dissent. Neither do private companies, but the stranglehold of the political class increases every year, often in the name of cleansing the system. Senior officers thus concentrate on compliance, taking care not to fall foul of the system even though many of them differ with their bosses. They survive because of their honesty and reputation for delivery.

The latest administrative innovations, such as the ‘360-degree appraisal’ of officers, cut both ways, but they do not prevent politicized or non-empanelled officers from getting undue promotion or one state cadre from cornering all the goodies. Big rewards await ‘useful’, pro-regime IAS/IFS officers after retirement through board-level appointments in government and mega private companies. Their declared annual incomes (other than pension) usually range from 50 lakhs to several crore rupees — sums that they never earned during service. This list includes, quite surprisingly, those who were once considered upright crusaders — irresistible benefits smother the conscience. Besides, they need not genuflect publicly to political masters as the election commissioners allegedly did recently, damaging the reputation of the Election Commission. But they do ensure, as has been indicated by reports by Oxfam and other organizations, that big capital continues to grow exponentially in India, raising both exploitation and inequality to unprecedented levels.



The Bulldozer Is the Latest Symbol of Toxic Masculinity to Create Havoc in the Populace

  The Bulldozer Is the Latest Symbol of Toxic Masculinity to Create Havoc in the Populace                                               ...