Friday, 25 December 2020

Overseas Indians: Postal voting and a few questions

                  Overseas Indians: Postal voting and a few questions

                                            Jawhar Sircar

                                      New Indian Express, 23rd December 2020

          When the suave Arun Jaitley introduced his electoral bonds scheme in 2017, few could understand then that it was a very smart sleight of hand operation that ‘legitimised’ funding of political parties even by suspiciously-anonymous donors. By April 2019, the ruling party had bagged 95 percent of these very opaque funds, but we may never know what quid pros were given to the benefactors. Another such quick-fingers manoeuvre is clearly decipherable in the Election Commission’s sudden revelation that, if the Central government so desired, the facility of casting ‘postal ballot’, which is presently reserved only for those who on election or defence duty within India, can also be extended to NRI (non resident Indian) voters. The timing is interesting — just when three tough non-BJP ruled states go to polls in the next few months. Avay Shukla has recently explained, quite convincingly, in his popular blog, why government should first consider the plight of 35 percent of voters who reside in India but cannot cast their votes by post because this facility is not available to ‘migrants’ working outside their local polling areas. He has also argued that, in addition to these 30-32 crore migrants, two other groups in India surely deserve consideration for voting by post. These are ‘people with disabilities’ who number some 2.3 crores and the 1.4 crore oldest senior citizens, above the age of 80. 

          The Election Commission has admitted that it has no country-wise data of NRIs eligible to vote, but current estimates hover between 60 and 90 lakhs. The EC has proposed that, to begin with, the new NRI postal ballot system may be implemented for those in the United States, Canada, New Zealand, Japan, Australia, Germany, France, and South Africa. It is not clear why NRIs in the UK are kept out. The fact that all the Gulf countries are also excluded because the regimes are non-democratic does not go well with Kerala. Even elsewhere, the present Election Commission’s proposals are viewed with wariness ever since its very controversial conduct of the parliamentary polls in 2019. The priority that the Commission accorded to the USA further complicates the issue, since it is a demonstrated fact that a large section of NRIs there, from certain parts of India, are enthusiastic supporters and financiers of the Hindu Right.

           As the question of NRIs and their voting rights have come into public focus, let us also be fair enough to gratefully acknowledge their remittances to India. Of the world’s total migrant population of 27 crore, Indians account for 1.75 cores. In 2018, the World Bank estimated that Indian expatriates remitted $79 billion — the highest in the world — followed by China at $67 billion and Mexico with $36 billion. These remittances constituted more than one fifth of the country's precious foreign exchange and 2.9 % of Indias GDP. But, frankly, most NRIs hardly know enough about India’s micro-level domestic elections and are really not affected by the outcomes of voting. In any case, NRIs in Western and developed countries would surely be more interested in settling there rather than return, though a section would never give up its Indian citizenship. Hence, granting them special facilities for voting through a complicated procedure does not appear to be really that vital. Besides, vote or no vote, remittances are hardly impacted — 60 percent go to their families and they invest 30 percent in banks, shares and property. It is heartening to learn that families back home still matter a lot to many settled abroad, as their parents must have toiled all their lives to ensure their success in life overseas.

        This brings us to a delicate issue that concerns a section of Indians who studied in India and then merged into the Western world, to enrich foreign corporations and themselves. In this nation of ‘first boys’, most availed of the best education that India could offer at vastly subsidised costs. Though fees appear to have skyrocketed in recent years, the budget of the ministry of Education reveals that it still subsidises elite institutions like IITs, IIMs and NITs so heavily that precious little is left for countless other less privileged universities and colleges and millions of their students. It is, therefore, not very unreasonable to hope that the meritorious recipients of such education, who are now an integral part of the West’s technological hegemony, do something beyond assisting their rich masters strengthen their asphyxiating grip over hapless citizens all over the planet.

        These strong words are meant for those who are worshipped in India as exemplars of meritocratic success abroad. When nations and crusaders struggle so hard to inject some degree of social responsibility into brazenly profit-racking domineering technology companies like Facebook, Google, Amazon, Apple and Microsoft, we get into raptures when someone of Indian origin holds an important post in them. When an ‘Indian’ who headed PepsiCo was wildly celebrated, few recalled that she was also responsible for dream-selling a dangerously unhealthy product and squeezing profits unethically from the young. One can cite many other ‘Indians’ who lead strangling western behemoths in investment banking, computer hardware, consumer goods and so on. While families and friends may bask vicariously in their success, the common terribly-manipulated Indian customer is entitled to ask: “What good are they — to India and her common folk?    

How Mahatma Gandhi Influenced Me

                        How Mahatma Gandhi Influenced Me

                            Jawhar Sircar

                                   Prabha, Special Issue on Gandhi

                                          Issue 18, September 2020

           Strange as it may sound, there was a wave of disenchantment about Gandhiji in West Bengal after Independence and it was passed on to us who were born within a few years of freedom. It stemmed, perhaps, from the shoddy treatment that was meted out to Netaji by a group in the Congress that was close to the Mahatma. Many of us, therefore, began with a negative ‘opening balance’ about Gandhi and that is what makes our turnaround more interesting.

            In my closing days in college, I was drawn, quite inexplicably, towards him in a love-hate sort of way that was exacerbated by a youthful judgemental disposition. This is when a senior retired professor invited me to the Gandhi Peace Foundation that had a valuable library and quite near to my house. A special attraction was the standing invitation to attend their programmes to listen to well known erudite personalities. I was keen to learn about new ideas and things and also how to improve near my public speaking. No one asked me to read the several volumes on Gandhi but, after some initial avoidance, I started flipping through his ‘Young India’ articles. I discovered gradually that was not an obscurantist abs that he did make a lot of sense. I stayed with the Foundation and even joined its gentle but firm opposition to Indira Gandhi’s autocratic rule, until it was raided and banned immediately after she declared Emergency on 25th June 1975.

            Within three weeks of this, I left Kolkata for Mussoorie to join the IAS. Our director of the Academy was a strong Gandhian who insisted that our ‘privileged lot’ undertake physical labour for the benefit of society —starting with the digging of channels for rainwater to flow on the mountain slopes. Frankly, till then, I felt that Gandhiji was too biassed in favour of backward rural India and dead against science, industrial and urban progress. It was only when a know-all city dweller like me went to villages  deep in the interior of Barddhaman district next year did I realise that the Mahatma was not exaggerating at all. True, poor villagers in Bengal were not docile victims of socio economic exploitation like in some other parts of India, but their political or vocal stand did not really help in lifting them from poverty.

           Life was, indeed, miserable for them and I soon learnt that unless the poor, especially farmers and landless labourers, picked up some additional income through rural crafts and skills, they would get just one meal a day. Sometimes, not even that. I plunged headlong into assisting them with whatever governmental scheme was available and applicable to them. I came to learn that they heard their stories. One group had to stop manufacturing local soaps that were so popular till a few years ago because mass produced ‘factory soaps’ undercut them. Another group that used to make boards out of straw were out-priced by factory manufactured ones. There were entire castes like sankharis (conch shell goods makers), kansaris (brass and bell metal craftsmen), gharamis (paddy straw thatchers) that had been thrown out of work by cheaper industrial products. I went back to Gandhi for guidance and I soon realised that economics and profits were not everything and that hungry mouths had to be fed. In any case, traditional skills must not be made to die. Gainful employment of the rural communities was certainly more important in such a populous poor country like ours. It was a reality that Gandhiji had realised much before we learnt it first hand. This was 1976, when most anti poverty governmental schemes were in their infancy.

             With the help of two very dedicated Gandhian workers we could reenergise two dormant societies, one to produce hand-made paper, boards, file covers and assorted items from locally available agricultural waste materials and the other was to help jobless tribal brass artisans. The first one was quite successful especially because all government offices started buying file covers and other products that lasted many years more than mass-produced stuff. We could explain that higher costs were quite justifiable in the long run. The brass artisans we refer to are known as Dhokras and they are found in Chattisgarh, Jharkhand and Bengal and some other states as well. The members of the tribe used to melt down old broken items of brass, copper and bell metal and then mould the metal into paus or open pots of different specific sizes to measure grain, pulses and seeds. When the metric system of measurement by weight replaced this volume-wise or fluid system a decade earlier, they were suddenly thrown out of employment. We set up a camp office at Dariapur village that had a concentration of Dhokra artisans and started training them in better technologies and experimenting with new products. The old paus could be reshaped into ash-trays and flower vases while their ethnic deities could also be tried out in the urban market. They were a hit within a few months before I left the district.

                      But my association with village crafts and employment intensive production had just begun. I understood then that Gandhiji was not against industrialisation per se. All he wanted at least those rural crafts and skills that provided employment to the poorest should not be steam rollered by capital intensive mass produced goods. My preferences and world views in this domain were sharpening and a few years later, I felt good to be posted as the head of handicrafts in West Bengal — even though it came to me as a punishment posting for picking up a quarrel with a very senior minister. I enjoyed the work, in spite of what people said about the sector but the next year I was made the Director in charge of the state’s cottage and small scale industries. There is no point in recalling all that we could do — from introducing the scientific flaying, skinning and preservation of leather to a whole range of small scale industrial products.

            Over the next two decades as one moved from place to place and post to post, the sense of mission inspired by the Mahatma and Tagore continued unabated. Suddenly in 2006 I received my promotion order as Additional Secretary to the Government of India and was made the Development Commissioner for small scale industries for the entire country. The mandate was, however, to modernise this rather archaic sector into ‘micro small and medium industries’ or MSMEs. What had begun as an argumentative journey to test whether Gandhi was right or wrong had transformed on its own into a mission or a guiding compass in life.

Monday, 14 December 2020

A Tremendous Comet’: Positing Michael Madhusudan Dutt in Indian Literature

 

A Tremendous Comet: Positing Michael Madhusudan Dutt in Indian Literature

 

Jawhar Sircar

 In Namita Gokhale & Malashri Lal: Betrayed By Hope

Harper Collins (2020)

 

 

 

         To appreciate a meteoric writer like Michael Madhusudan Dutt and estimate his contribution to Indian literature and culture, we need to first take him from the confines of Bengal, where he is stuck, quite unwittingly. In his home province, he is remembered forever for introducing lasting innovations that enriched a language that was struggling to move out of its archaic mould. Dutt gave Bangla, and other Indian languages that loved constructive experimentation, a breath of new life and blazed new paths for generations of writers to follow, all the way up to Rabindranath Tagore and beyond. Born into an upper-class, upper-caste Hindu family in 1824, Dutt was a perennial rebel and iconoclast, who renounced the religion of his forefathers, for Christianity rather effortlessly and early in life. Yet, in his early teens, his classmate believed that he was a genius (and) even his foibles and eccentricities had a touch of romance, a taste of the attic salt that made them savoury and sweetIt would be interesting to see how the boy of only eleven years who pined be in the bosom (of) Englands glorious shorewould be so dejected later on, and returned to his mother tongue—to do it really proud. His maverick ways, however, disturbed all but they also helped develop and foster a very forward-looking weltanschauung for modern India.

 

         But then, Dutt can hardly be understood in isolation and it may be useful to recall very briefly the contribution of two great social revolutionaries who preceded him: Raja Rammohun Roy and Henry Louis Vivan Derozio. Though they differed in their philosophies, both men were extremely courageous and determined to battle the deeply-entrenched practices of their societies that they believed were blocking progress. Derozios mission was to inculcate the spirit of interrogation among his young and eager students at Indias first English college, the Hindoo College, later renamed as Presidency. He joined at seventeen, but he died much too early, in 1831, at the age of twenty-two. In this short span, he had managed to kindle a relentless thirst for knowledge. His senior, and a more respected reformer, Raja Rammohun Roy had challenged the very might and wrath of Hindu obscurantism, as he campaigned tirelessly to end fiercely-guarded, age-old barbarities practised in the name of religion, including the custom of burning widows alive on the pyres of husbands.

 

           To posit a very anglophile Michael Madhusudan Dutt in the context of India, we have also to appreciate that never had Indian culture and civilization been impacted in so comprehensive a manner by a foreign way of life. Its impact was especially palpable in the colonial capital at Calcutta and in Bengal. The overriding hegemony of an alien culture has been summed up quite aptly by Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyay, who wrote: The stamp of the Anglo-Saxon foreigner is upon our houses, our furniture, our carriages, our food, our drink, our dress, our very familiar letters and conversation … in every inch of our outward life. The Bangla language, which had emerged out of Sanskrit, Prakrit and Apabhransh in approximately the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, underwent its first major overhaul in the nineteenth century thanks to the impact of European cultures. When the East India Company set up its Fort William College in Calcutta in 1800 to train its young cadets, little did anyone realize how its instructors would reconstruct the Bangla language so thoroughly. The College naturally gave emphasis on the Indian link language, Hindustanee, but it also gave immense importance to Bangla as it was understood by a large part of the eastern population. The immediate result of this inter-civilizational encounter was the evolution of Bangla prose, as an alternate and acceptable mode of communication. This prose, inspired by the contact with English, greatly benefitted Rammohun Roy, who used it most adroitly to speak directly with the people and to campaign against the burning of widows and other social evils. This new language naturally became a weapon of literary reform too and four decades later, Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyay composed the first novel in an Indian language.

 

       It was in this context that the next two crusaders, Vidyasagar and Madhusudan Dutt arrived on the Indian scene, some twenty years later. Movements like Derozios Young Bengaland Roys Brahmo Samajhad lived long after them, questioning every retrograde belief and ritual, but the next generation picked up the baton and took the pulsating, creative energies they had inherited to greater heights. Dutt, Vidyasagar and their contemporaries produced a veritable flood of literature, philosophy, and injected the scientific temper among Indians. Despite suffering the deep pain of the backlash of tradition, Dutt and Vidyasagar held out against all adversities. Sadly, Dutt did not live to see his fiftieth year.

 

        To understand Dutt, we may require to understand the role of Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar, Dutts greatest patron and supporter. Many, who are used to seeing Vidyasagars standard image in the very simple chador may be surprised to know that he was well versed and fluent in the English language, its culture and nuances.. Like Mahatma Gandhi, his apparel was his lifes statement. Vidyasagar re-examined the existing Bangla script and standardized its alphabet, structure and composition. Even though he was one of the finest Sanskrit pandits of his day, he decided to focus on Bangla, a language which was not favoured by serious academics and scholars. As historian R.C. Majumdar observed, Isvarchandra Vidyasagar rescued the Bengali style from the pedantry of the Pandits and the vulgarity of the realists … and may be called the father of literary Bengali prose. He was a great communicator, yet he decided to court controversy and enrage many. He took upon himself the task of completing Roys historic, social and religious reforms. The public imagination was fired once again in the 1850s, when Vidyasagar battled against Hindu obscurantism to steer the Widow Remarriage Actwith Governor General Dalhousie, who ultimately passed it in 1856.

 

            The controversial and yet charismatic Dutt, was only nineteen years old when he converted to Christianity in 1843. The Hindu society was naturally aghast at his decision and that he reportedly took to avoid a child marriage fixed by his parents. As an unapologetic Anglophile, however, Dutt felt that he had moved closer to the god of Englishmen, for he described his own feelings with wonder and hope.

    ‘But now, at length thy grace, O Lord!

     Birds all around me shine;

     I drink thy sweet, thy precious word,

     I kneel before thy shrine!

 

          According to Reverend Krishna Mohan Banerjee, Dutt was prompted not by conviction for Christian ideals but by his unapologetic worship of England and things English. Christians, therefore, accepted him with reservations.To understand the compulsions of the times, we may turn to Ashis Nandys brilliant encapsulation: In the colonial culture, identification with the aggressor bound the rulers and the ruled in an uunbreakable dyadic relationship. The Raj saw Indians as crypto-barbarians who needed to further civilize themselves. Others saw British rule as an agent of progress and as a mission. Many Indians, in turn, saw their salvation in becoming more like the British, in friendship or in enmity.It was this spirit that lured, if one may use the term, Dutt to think, dream and breathe as a member of the British ruling class, until both the class and his own epiphany destroyed this mirage ever so rudely before his death. As a Christian, he was not allowed to continue studies at Hindoo College and was compelled to leave not only his beloved institution but also his dear friend and supporter, Gour Das Bysack. He continued, however, to share his deepest thoughts with Bysack. Much of our records of Dutts life are reconstructed based on his correspondence with Bysack.

 

         Dutt continued his graduate studies at Bishops College but left for Madras in 1847, without earning his degree, but after picking up quite substantial amounts of Greek and Latin linguistics and lore. He worked for a Christian establishment in Madras and wrote in newspapers and periodicals, but what is more interesting is that he married Rebecca Thompson. This must have created quite a stir, for while European men had freely married native womentill then, the reverse was not common at all. The couple had four children but, for reasons we have not yet understood, Madhusudan abandoned Rebecca and his children. It was, of course, quite possible that he was thrown out by her, for we hear no more of this marriage, nor even of any formal divorce. When he left Madras for Calcutta in February 1856, Dutt was alone and since we are on this sensitive subject, we may as well mention that he was attached henceforth to another English lady of French blood, Emilia Henrietta Sophie from 1858 till her death. This was, quite tragically, just three days before his own. This common lawcouple had two sons and a daughter.

 

         What matters most to us is the legacy he left behind in Indian literature, but we need to note that like his role model, Derozio, he wrote profusely in English but was hardly accepted by the colonial masters. Among his early English works were his rambling poems, King Porus (1843) and The Captive Ladie (1849) as well as an excessively ornate essay The Anglo-Saxon and the Hindu (1854) which he stuffed with innumerable references and quotations from many, many European books. Both Wordsworth and Milton deeply influenced Dutt, and he was so obsessed with European culture that, other than English, he had learnt French, Italian, Greek and Latin. Among the Indian languages, he knew Sanskrit and had also picked up Tamil and Telugu. Michael Madhusudan tried writing under the pseudonym, Timothy Penpoem, but the English world refused to acknowledge Dutt. It was at this stage that Dutt accepted the well-meaning advice of John Drinkwater Bethune, the President of the Council of Education, who had, in fact, praised his dexterity with the octosyllabic verses. Bethune suggested that he could better employ the taste and talents... cultivated by the study of English, in improving the standard, and adding to the stock of the poetry of his own language. This reached the inner recesses of Dutts heart and the prodigal began his homeward journey.

 

        Dutt started writing in Bangla with the same boundless energy and optimism, and wrote to his friend, Rajnarain Basu in July 1861: You may take my word for it, friend Raj, I shall come out like a tremendous comet and no mistake. He kept his word even as he grappled to master and seek recognition in a language he had spurned and neglected, and wrestled with his lifelong companion, poverty. This unknown writer earned his living in Calcutta, first, as a head clerk in a police court, and then became its chief interpreter. By 1858, after the British had successfully crushed the First War of Indian Independence with unspeakable brutality, the Crown unseated the Company and decided to rule its huge empire on the subcontinent directly from Calcutta. For some reason, these momentous happenings do not appear to have stirred Dutt, who was busy translating Ramnarayan Tarkaratnas play Ratnavali (1858) into English. It was then that he realized that Bangla and other Indian languages direly lacked good plays of European standards. The genius of Drama has not yet received even a moderate degree of development in this country.

 

           Dutt then got involved with the Belgachhia Theatre set up in northern Calcutta by the Rajas of Paikpara. Dutt produced his first dramatic composition, Sermistha (Sharmistha) in 1859, based on the story of Yayati. It was not a great success, but he brought in both fresh air and controversy. Dutt wrote four more plays in quick succession, two of which were impressive histories, Padmavati (1859) and Krishna Kumari (1860), while Ekei Ki Boley Sabhyata (1860) and Buro Shaliker Ghare Ron (1860) were scathing satires on contemporary society. These started bringing in recognition, but the restless Madhusudan had by then moved on to composing narrative and balladic poems: Tilottama Sambhava Kavya (1861), Meghnad Badh Kavya (1861), Brajagana Kavya (1861) and Veerangana Kavya (1861).

 

      It was, however with Meghnad Badh Kavya or The Slaying of Meghnad, that Dutt finally gained recognition. He was then seen as a distinguished composer of a completely new breed of heroic poetry that had strong shades of Homer and Dante but was intrinsically Indian. Dutt has aptly been acknowledged as the first great genius who infused a new life into Bangla dramatic literature. He introduced a new form of drama that was more European in its literary structure — quite different from the Sanskrit tradition of verse and, of course, had little to do with the rustic poetic performance style of the Mangal Kavyas. Michael also composed sonnets in an Indian language for the first time, proving quite convincingly that these languages could be experimented with and ornamented well beyond the confines of orthodoxy. He went on to unshackle poetry further and started writing in his free form of non-rhyming blank verse. Both these innovations were taken up later by Hindi and several other languages and it was Dutt who inspired fresh poetic protocols.              

 

        Before we end, we must narrate how he was bitterly disappointed by the country that he had held in highest esteem all his life. In 1862, he reached the land of his dreams, ostensibly to secure a degree in law. This was so typical of Dutt and he was not practical enough to appreciate that he was close to the peak of his literary career, with an ever growing following, and also that he had finally started making his presence felt in Bangla literature. In England, on the other hand, he appeared to be severely hurt by the land its people. As expected, he had not made firm arrangements to finance his overseas stay, and soon found London to be expensive. In 1863, he moved to France, along with Henrietta. They stayed in Versailles for about two years and within this time Dutt became throughly disillusioned with England and Europe. The couple took to excessive drinking to tide over the deep regret and bitterness. His friends and admirers in India appeared to have either forgotten him or given up on his mercurial, intemperate spending habits. He fell gravely into debt and, had it not been for Vidyasagar, who ensured that he received his dues from his fathers estate, he would have been wrecked altogether.

 

        Dutt returned to England in 1865, was accorded the honour of a Barrister, but was no more enamoured with the land of his dreams. He returned to Calcutta in January 1867, when Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyays early romantic novels had appeared and as a language, Bangla, was now poised to fly even higher. Michael Madhusudan Dutt did utilize his degree to practice law in Calcutta for about three years, but with little success. He obviously spent more than he earned and soon gave up practice and opted for a lower paid but secure clerical job. He kept on writing, however, and in 1871, he published Hectar-Badh or The Killing of Hector based on an episode in after Homers Iliad. His last composition was Mayakanan that came out in 1873. His final days were, indeed, very painful and he died in a charity hospital. His extravagant lifestyle and uncontrolled spending combined with chronic alcoholism to destroy him, his health and his partner, Henrietta. She died, sick and alcoholic, on the 26June 1873 and he died, in abject poverty and in terrible health, just three days later.

 

       But, the Renaissance in Bangla literature and the arts was back in full form and dozens of luminaries had arrived on the stage in the years that followed. Language and literature changed forever in Bengal. Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyay, Sarat Chandra Chattopadhyay, Swami Vivekananda, Rabindranath Tagore and Sri Aurobindo followed this trail that had been lit up brightly with those like Madhusudan who fought to establish reason above the mandates of religion and tradition. Yet, like him, they never abjured or forsook the rich heritage of Indias ageless civilization, that had endless treasures to offer.          

 

 

 

 

Wednesday, 18 November 2020

Time to Work Together

                                                Time to Work Together

 

Jawhar Sircar

Ananda Bazar Patrika (English Translation)

29th March 2020

     

             This Corona attack is the first major disaster to have ever affected all Indians, in all regions and of all classes, in our entire history. Wars, even the world wars or our three with Pakistan or China, have really never touched everyone everywhere as the fighting and deaths were at the frontline. So when Corona democratized death and respects neither privilege nor power, our panic is overwhelming. Our response must, therefore, display unity and resolve, but at the international level this is yet to emerge. The G 20 nations took many weeks to just come together.

 

        India’s Prime Minister has already made two dramatic public appearances to convey to his rather indisciplined citizenry that they must lock themselves at home to break the viscous cycle, while the lathis of State police forces make this clear to both the deserving and the innocent, rather unimaginatively. But then, one wonders why we took so much time after neighbouring China was being ravaged in January and the World Health Organisation had declared as early as on 30th January, that Corona was a ‘Public Health Emergency of International Concern’. WHO has specifically warned India every week, but PM’s advisers and officials could not get the crisis registered in his busy mind. Delhi’s response has not been speedy enough as it took several weeks of bickering to finalise the large scale procurement of even low technology products called PPE, personal protection equipment. This meant that while Narendra Modi spoke of the Kurukshetra War on Corona, his government was unable to supply adequate protection to medical staff and doctors actually engaged in the battle. Thus, State and private hospitals suffered all across the country and even now the supplies are inadequate. Then, while we clanged pots and pans or blew conches and rang bells in true Hindu style on 22nd March at 5 pm, doctors all over India cried for more testing kits. The scandalous delay in procuring these kits meant that India was not testing enough suspects and was perhaps under-reporting and under-playing the alarm. We can only pray that god forgives us and we do not face a sudden explosion of critical cases that we just cannot handle, as we do not have sufficient beds nor ventilators. This aspect cannot be ignored any more and contingency plans must be made to earmark public buildings for large scale evacuation, isolation and oxygen supply.

 

          We know that not only did experts try to convince the national government, but the chief ministers of West Bengal and Kerala were especially active in drawing the prime minister’s attention to speed up actions. Mamata Banerjee surely rose to the challenge with the spirit of a seasoned street fighter, when chief ministers like Yogi Adityanath were busy beating up protesters and in installing Ram Lalla to a makeshift mandir in Ayodhya. Even as a critical observer, one was impressed with the ‘hands on’ leadership she displayed by visiting every important hospital to build up morale and ensure proper arrangements. She even started drawing circles herself at market-places to demonstrate how customers are to maintain social distancing. Her directions and advisories made more sense, as they were from the battle-ground, unlike chief ministers or even the prime minister who depended more on reports from others. After all, in this age of a billion cameras, the credibility of leaders is adjudged by people on 24 x 7 basis, by visuals. Besides, someone has to contest much of the nonsense that Whatsapp universities are spreading faster than the virus, as they insist on making every person an MBBS in Corona control.

 

               Even the financial package announced recently by India’s finance minister also copies elements from initiatives undertaken by enterprising chief ministers within their limited means. For instance, West Bengal started its insurance policy to cover medical staff combating the deadly disease and later, the Centre only increased the amounts of coverage. Similarly, schemes for free and subsidised food-grains announced by the Centre were actually launched by this State even earlier — to help the poor, unorganised strata that suffers the most when there is neither employment nor food. After all, a nation that has rice stocks of some 5 crore metric tons and almost 3 crore metric tons of wheat can feed the whole country at the basic level for more than a year, though quality and fair distribution are always problematic. West Bengal set up its State Disaster Relief Fund even before the Centre invoked this very law on 25th to declare its delayed nation-wide lock-down, without informing the States. It is strange that few in Delhi could not foresee the chaotic and pathetic migration of millions of labourers returning home, even though States had drawn attention to this. Banerjee was the first to demand that such movements that could spread virus and death be halted. The prime minister can rise further in the public esteem if he announces immediately certain special steps to feed inter-state migrants who are stranded jobless in other States. And, it is also time to grant funds to States that are actually commanding the batallions, without bringing in petty politics.

 

        The manner in which we tackle this crisis will surely demonstrate whether we, as a people, and our social value structures are capable of responding effectively and surviving its onslaught. Societies that have suffered  wars, plagues and other catastrophes at their very doorsteps in the past developed ‘fight-back-together’ codes in their DNA, but for India this is its first collective fiery ordeal. 

Sunday, 11 October 2020

They opposed him and his ideas, mocked at his morals — but RSS and BJP also need to appropriate the Mahatma

 

They opposed him and his ideas, mocked at his morals — but RSS and BJP also need to appropriate the Mahatma

 

Jawhar Sircar

National Herald, 2nd October, 2020

 

          As the 150th birth anniversary celebrations end and the Mahatma returns to his confined habitat of museums, a fact worth noticing is the visible turn — we still cannot call it a turnaround— in the attitude of the Hindu Right to the man they hounded to death.

          HV Seshadri, the biographer of the founder and first chief of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), KB Hedgewar states quite unambiguously: Gandhiji worked constantly with one eye on Hindu– Muslim unity…But Doctorji (Hedgewar) sensed danger in that move. In fact, he did not even relish the newfangled slogan of Hindu– Muslim Unity”.

               Like the RSS, the Hindu Mahasabha also boycotted Gandhijis Quit Indiamovement in 1942, but its leader Shyama Prasad Mookerjee went a step further and requested the British to take stern action against the freedom fighters. Mookerjee had joined Fazlul Haques ministry in Bengal and is revered by the present regime as the founder of the political wing of the RSS, the Bharatiya Jana Sangh that preceded the present Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). As one of your Ministers”, he wrote to the Governor of Bengal on 26th July 1942, I am willing to offer you my whole-hearted cooperation... in this hour of crisis”.

           We may fast forward to 1947 and we find that despite misgivings, Gandhiji still tried to convince the RSS to move to the mainstream and eschew violence. On 3rd April 1947 he revealed at a prayer meeting that the second Sarsanghchalak of the RSS, MS Golwalkar had met him and assured him that the RSS had not encouraged violence and also that it did not oppose him.

                But just before Independence, the RSS's mouthpiece, the Organisers issues of 17th and 22nd July expressed its vehement opposition on several national issues. When Indias long-cherished Independence finally arrived, sadly along with partition, the RSS bitterly opposed the choice of the tricolour as new Indias flag. Its logic was that it will "never be respected and owned by the Hindus. The word three is in itself an evil, and a flag having three colours will certainly produce a very bad psychological effect and is injurious to the country."

                 This is not correct, as Hinduism holds three in very high regard as well — quite evident in its veneration of the Trimurti and Triguna. Later, in his book, Bunch of Thoughts, MS Golwalkar reiterated this opposition to the tricolour and wanted the Hindu saffron bhagwa dhwaj as the nations flag. During this time, the RSS was moving among the very angry Hindu refugees from Pakistan, offering some relief, but also fomenting communal violence and demanding retaliation against all Muslims.

                  Gandhiji, however, kept on with his persuasion and on September 16, 1947, he even visited an RSS camp at Bhangi colony in New Delhi, where he addressed RSS volunteers. He also recalled that Jamnalal Bajaj had taken him to another RSS camp in Wardha long ago, when the founder of the RSS Dr. Hedgewar was alive. Gandhijis efforts did not succeed and, as Ramachandra Guha found from several reports of the Delhi Police of 1947, the RSS kept attacking Gandhis policies and inciting violence. Finally, on the 17th of November 1947, an exasperated Gandhiji declared that I have heard it said that the Sangh is at the root of all this mischief. Let us not forget that public opinion is a far more potent force than a thousand swords. Hinduism cannot be saved by orgies of murder...such violent rowdyism will not save either Hinduism or Sikhism.”

                    On 30th January of 1948, the Mahatma was shot in cold blood by a fanatic of the Hindu Mahasabha who had earlier been associated with the RSS. History tells us that Sardar Patel, whose statue the ruling party has set up as the tallest in the world, had come down heavily on the RSS and had banned it immediately. Sardar Patel wrote on 27th February that Gandhijis assassination was welcomed by those of the RSS and the (Hindu) Mahasabha who were strongly opposed to his way of thinking and his policy”. He also mentioned allegations that sweets were distributed” by these two Hindu outfits. On July 18, 1948, the Sardar wrote that our reports do confirm that, as a result of the activities of these two bodies (RSS and the Hindu Mahasabha), particularly the former, an atmosphere was created in the country in which such a ghastly tragedy became possible. There is no doubt in my mind that the extreme section of the Hindu Mahasabha was involved in the conspiracy. The activities of the RSS constituted a clear threat to the existence of Government and the State. Our reports show that those activities, despite the ban, have not died down. Indeed, as time has marched on, the RSS circles are becoming more defiant and are indulging in their subversive activities in an increasing measure.”

                   The Sardar did not budge an inch on his ban on the RSS for one and a half years, despite pleas from Golwalkar and others. It was only on July 11, 1949, that he lifted the ban — after the RSS pledged to stay away from politics; not be secretive and abjured violence. More important, it professed "loyalty to the Constitution of India and the National Flag". It is ironic that at present it is the RSS and the BJP that are directing all Indians to display public respect for the flag or be branded anti national.

                Having said all this, the turnworth noting during the 150th birth anniversary celebrations is that the RSS and the BJP appear to have finally acceptedthe Mahatma. They are, in fact, flaunting their proximity to Gandhiji and praising several (not all) of his ideals. The Organiser of 15 October 2019 is quite overt in declaring that Mahatma Gandhis encounter with Hedgewar, who founded RSS in 1925, could be traced back to the non-cooperation movement. When the Congress organised a mammoth rally in Nagpur in 1922 in reaction to Gandhijis imprisonment, it was Hedgewar who addressed the rally. Hedgewar proclaimed that there was no difference between the words and actions of Mahatma Gandhi”. It further states that Gandhiji was misled by his supporters in 1942 into believing that the RSS was against Muslims or the Quit India movement. MS Golwalkar refuted this serious charge. He clarified that RSS does not indulge in unnecessary demonstrations, or raise slogans.”

                The pro-RSS/BJP Swarajya has also strained to explain how Gandhiji had so much respect for the RSS and its philosophy as well as its discipline. There are numerous other items in the media on how the present RSS chief, Mohan Bhagawat, has emphatically declared his reverence for the Mahatma and his contributions to India. Some selective issues of his legacy like cow protection, organic farming, rural development, and swadeshi economy appeal quite naturally to the Hindu Right.

                There is an explanation offered by Ajay Gudavarthy that They need him to keep the idea of a tolerant Hindu to remain in popular memory so that the violence by Hindus finds justification”.

 

(Please Click Here to Readthe article On National Herald’s Website)

 


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